Department of Political Science and International Relations

Permanent URI for this collection

http://etd.aau.edu.et/handle/123456789/23

Browse

Now showing 1 - 20 of 161

The Dilemma of Post-Adwa Ethiopia’s Foreign Policy: Victories in Military Battlefields VS. Setbacks in Diplomacy
(Addis Ababa University, 2025-11-01) Leul Seyoum; Yonas Ashine
The study attempted to examines the underlying factor behind why successive Ethiopian regimes are constrained in their foreign policy and diplomatic negotiations albeit their victories in military battlefields. Accordingly, the thesis argues that internal, regional and global political dynamics affect Ethiopia‟s foreign policymaking and executions in post-Adowa period. The study used secondary sources of data; collected from relevant archives, documents, and literature. To substantiate and supplement the secondary data, the study also used primary data collected through key informant interview. Given the data gathered are qualitative, the study employed qualitative data analysis techniques. The finding of the study revealed that there is inseparable connection found between the military engagements of the Ethiopian state and the corresponding diplomatic strategies that have been employed in the post-war diplomacy period. Despite, a shift in orientation and style of foreign policy, domestic factors, and external factors remain the defining factors that constrains Ethiopian foreign policymaking and executions of post Adwa period. Beholding the trajectory of Ethiopian foreign policy post Adwa period, there is continuity amidst change. As a continuity, the core objective of ensuring national survival, territorial integrity, and regime survival remains a constant. Domestic and external factors consistently interact to shape the post Adwa period Ethiopian foreign policy and diplomacy. As a change, an "inside-out," economic diplomacy-oriented strategy (post-1991) that prioritises economic development and regional economic integration has replaced the military/security-focused "outside-in" approach (pre-1991). The use of military engagements giving way to multilateral diplomacy based on soft power. Key words: War, Diplomacy, Ethiopia, Military, Foreign policy.
The Bilateral Relations between Ethiopia and Somalia since 2018: Challenges and Prospects
(Addis Ababa University, 2026-02-01) Mesoud Mohammed; Bayuligne Z. Bahru
Background and Context: Ethiopia and Somalia share significant commonalities, including contiguous territory, overlapping communities of shared culture, language, and religion. Yet these two states have also exhibited profound divergences rooted in ideological orientation, opposing great-power alliances during the Cold War, and disputes over territorial jurisdiction, resulting in bloody inter-state conflicts, most notably the Ogaden War of 1977–1978. Since the last decade, developments unfolding within and outside these states – including regime changes, regional geopolitical competitions, and the growing securitisation of the Red Sea corridor – have fundamentally re-shaped the nature of their bilateral relations. Research Problem and Objectives: Against this backdrop, the present research aims to disentangle the history, dynamics, and evolution of Ethio-Somali diplomatic relations by focusing on the period from 2018 onwards. The study examines how historical context, domestic political reforms, regional geopolitical rivalry, and the roles of external actors intersect to shape the bilateral relationship, and what this means for the security of the Horn of Africa region. Methodology: A qualitative research design employing a case study approach was used. Data were collected through semi-structured Key Informant Interviews (KIIs) with experts and practitioners in diplomacy, security, economics, and regional politics. Primary interview data were triangulated with secondary sources including peer-reviewed academic literature, policy reports, official documents, and media sources. Thematic, comparative, and process-tracing analyses were applied. Key Findings: The findings highlight constrained diplomatic relations shaped by unhealed historical wounds, including the Ogaden War and Ethiopia‟s 2006 military intervention. In the post-2018 era, several factors have exerted determining effects: internal political transitions, Ethiopia‟s sea access pursuit, the 2024 Ethiopia–Somaliland MoU, and the growing influence of external actors including Turkey, the UAE, and Egypt. The study finds that the bilateral relationship simultaneously exhibits areas of cooperation – in counterterrorism, trade, and viii | P a g e infrastructure – and serious structural bottlenecks rooted in historical grievances, contested sovereignty, and divergent national interests. Conclusions and Implications: The study concludes that structural mistrust, unilateral diplomatic manoeuvres, and external actor involvement have repeatedly disrupted cooperation. Establishing a permanent bilateral commission, reforming regional governance, and pursuing multilateral approaches to sea access are among the key recommendations. Keywords: Ethiopia–Somalia Relations; Horn of Africa; Diplomacy; Regional Security; Red Sea Geopolitics; Somaliland; IGAD; AU; Al-Shabaab; Sovereignty; State Fragility.
Ethiopia and Saudi Arabia: an Assessment of Bilateral Relations Since 2018
(Addis Ababa University, 2025-12-01) Seid Muhammed; Bayuligne Zemedagegnehu
Ethiopia and Saudi Arabia have centuries old relations since ancient times. Ethiopia’s official diplomatic relations with Saudi Arabia established in 1948. These relations are not developed mainly due to mistrust between the two nations. In their bilateral relations Ethiopia and Saudi Arabia have had both challenges and opportunities. After 2018 when the new government of Ethiopia holds the power, the situation of the two countries relations has begun to change significantly. The overall objective of this research is analysing the relations of the two nations since 2018. The goal of the study is to analyse the relations between the two nations, challenges and opportunities, historical trend and factors affecting the relations. The study indicates that after 2018 the relations between them have expanded from economic interactions to political and security cooperation. However investment and trade exchanges decreased due to different factors. Generally, the bilateral relations of the two states are transforming into a wide range sectors including cultural, economic, political and security sectors and the mistrust and suspicion between the two countries relations are decreasing as the two countries are deepening their relations. Key Words: bilateral relations, bilateralism, multilateralism, diplomacy, foreign policy, Security, migration, economy
MA in International Relations and Diplomacy Economic Integration in the Horn of Africa: Challenges and Opportunities
(Addis Ababa University, 2024-06-01) Selamawit Debebe; Fekade Terefe
The Horn of Africa holds immense promise for economic prosperity. Located at a key intersection of trade routes, the region is rich in natural resources and fertile land. However, despite this potential, achieving full economic integration remains a difficult task. This study examined the challenges and opportunities for economic integration in the Horn of Africa. It employed qualitative research methods, including semi-structured interviews with key informants and document analysis. Through interviews with experts and analysis of documents the research identifies several key challenges. These include ongoing conflicts, political instability, weak leadership, and a lack of commitment from some governments. Additionally, insufficient infrastructure, technology, and financial systems create hurdles to trade and collaboration. External factors, such as the influence of new foreign powers and the legacy of colonialism, further complicate the situation. Despite these challenges, there are reasons for hope. New regional leaders are increasingly supportive of integration, and a growing understanding of its economic benefits is creating positive momentum. International support and the involvement of emerging economies offer potential for investment and development that can drive regional economic growth. This research aims to inform decision-making and contribute to the advancement of regional economic cooperation in the Horn of Africa. The findings, especially regarding how to overcome integration hurdles and foster collaboration, can be valuable for policymakers and leaders seeking to achieve sustainable economic growth in the region. Future research could delve deeper into specific areas, such as the potential role of emerging technologies or the design of targeted infrastructure projects to facilitate trade and development
Challenges and Opportunities of the Aid Management System of Ethiopia Since 2000
(Addis Ababa University, 2025-05-01) Shalom Gebredingel; Asinake Kefale
This thesis explores the evolution, challenges, and opportunities of the aid management system in Ethiopia since 2000, a period marked by significant reforms and increased aid inflows. Drawing on policy analysis, institutional review, and stakeholder interviews, the study examines how Ethiopia has navigated the complexities of aligning donor support with national development priorities. Key focus areas include the effectiveness of the cooperation platforms, the Aid Management Platform (AMP), coordination between government and development partners, and the impact of shifting global aid paradigms. While external assistance has played a crucial role in financing development and building institutional capacity, issues such as fragmented aid flows, weak monitoring systems, and limited ownership continue to undermine aid effectiveness. The research concludes that strengthening country systems, enhancing transparency, and fostering genuine donor-government partnerships are essential for maximizing the developmental impact of aid.
The Comparative Political Economy of Development in Ethiopia: The Cases of EPRDF and Prosperity Party
(Addis Ababa University, 2025-10-01) Tsegayehu Agmasie; Yacob Arsano
This study investigates the comparative political economy of development in Ethiopia under the Ethiopian People‘s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and the Prosperity Party (PP) regimes. Employing a qualitative comparative historical research design, the study draws on extensive primary and secondary data, such as policy documents, government reports, party manifestos, academic journal articles, books, etc., to analyze the ideological orientations, policy frameworks, institutional structures, and development strategies of the two regimes. Through a two-step analytical approach—case-specific examination followed by cross-regime comparative analysis—the research uncovers both significant divergences and enduring continuities in Ethiopia‘s developmental trajectory. The findings reveal that the EPRDF‘s developmental state model emphasized strong state intervention, centralized governance, and state-led industrialization, drawing heavily from East Asian experiences. While this approach delivered a double-digit economic growth and substantial infrastructure development, it was not able to bring about structural transformation. A combination of unintended macroeconomic imbalances, rising corruption, mounting debt, income inequality, increasing authoritarianism, limited political inclusivity, and growing ethnic tensions all ultimately converged, resulting in widespread unrest that led to the regime‘s collapse. In contrast, the PP-led regime has adopted a neoliberal model characterized by a more liberalized policy orientation, focusing on privatization, market liberalization, deregulation and foreign direct investment breaking away from the state-led developmental statist approach of the previous regime. However, the PP‘s reform agenda has faced challenges related to weak institutional capacity, persistent political instability, and unresolved federalist tensions. Based on these findings, the study recommends the adoption of a pragmatic hybrid development model that balances state guidance with market dynamism, gradual and sequenced liberalization, strengthened institutional capacity, inclusive political settlement, investment in human capital, and enhanced evidence-based policymaking. Ethiopia‘s developmental experience underscores the need for adaptive, context-sensitive strategies that address both political and economic dimensions of development within its unique socio-political context. Keywords: Political Economy, Developmental State, Neoliberalism, EPRDF, PP, Ethiopia
Political Economy of State-Peasant Relations in Ethiopia Under Eprdf, 1991-2018: Experiences from Dawo and Sululta, Oromia National Regional State
(Addis Ababa University, 2025-11-01) Gutema Daniel; Solomon Mebrie
Studies of state-society relations in the post-1991 period have been dominated by interactions between the new federal state structure and various ethno-national groups in the country. Some argued that the benefit of the new dispensation outweighs its negative impacts, while others held the contrary view. Thus, little scholarly attention was paid to another social group, peasantry, that was at the heart of state-society relations, crossing across ethno-national lines, even as the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) put peasants at the heart of its governance strategy. The study attempts to fill this gap by focusing on the theme of state-peasant relations under EPRDF. The study applied a critical political economy approach to investigate state-peasant relations under EPRDF regime. It applied insights from Marxist, neopopulist and modernization theories to understand the world of peasants. The research adopted a critical social science (critical political economy) approach. The study sites were Dawo Woreda, a rural area and Sululta town, a peri-urban area close to Addis Ababa, that was found Oromia regional state. Data was collected through 28 key informant interviews with experts based at Ministry of Agriculture, Dawo Woreda and Sululta town, Kebele officials, development agents and peasants, and 11 FGDs held with different segments of peasants. The study found that the relation between state and peasants under EPRDF was largely shaped by neopatrimonialism and hegemonic drive of the regime. And the relation was characterized by state domination of peasants through ownership and control over land; local government tentacles that reached and brought every rural household within the purview of the state; constant surveillance and meting out of harsh punishment on peasants that did not tip toe the state-party line. However, peasants were cognizant of their political domination and lack of economic autonomy under EPRDF in spite of the regimes rhetoric that it was the only party that represented the interest of peasants. Thus, when the opportunity presented itself, they showed themselves to be ready to oppose the regime as in 2005 national election and the Oromo protest (2014-2018) that ultimately ejected TPLF dominated EPRDF regime from power at the center. Key Words: State, Peasants, Critical Political Economy, Neopatrimonialism, Rural Development Policy, Ethiopia, Oromo
African Conflicts and the African Union Response: The Case of Sudan Since 2019
(Addis Ababa University, 2026-05-01) Hailu Alebachew; Yonas Ashine
This thesis examines the changing character of contemporary African conflicts and assesses the effectiveness of the African Union’s (AU) conflict-response mechanisms using Sudan since 2019 as a case study. Despite the establishment of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) and the AU’s expanded role in conflict management, violent conflicts continue to persist across the continent. The study finds that the Sudan conflict reflects key features of contemporary African conflicts, including fragmented authority, militarized politics, external intervention, and conflict economies that sustain violence. While the AU possesses a comprehensive legal and institutional framework for conflict resolution, its response has been constrained by weak compliance, limited enforcement capacity, competing mediation initiatives, and external support to belligerents. The findings suggest that AU-led responses face growing challenges in addressing conflicts characterized by fragmented authority and extensive external involvement. The study argues that strengthening APSA requires reforms aimed at enhancing enforcement capacity, improving coordination among peace actors, and addressing the political and economic incentives that sustain conflict. Without such reforms, the effectiveness of AU-led responses to complex conflicts such as Sudan is likely to remain limited.
The Shifting Sands of Diplomacy: Ethiopia's Evolving Relationship with Somaliland and its Impact on the Horn of Africa
(Addis Ababa University, 2025-11-01) Berhe Mehari; Firehiwot Sintayehu
The region, Horn of Africa which is well known for its uncertain instability and volatility based on power politics, ethnic and territorial conflicts. Under this context, the 2024 Memorandum of Understanding(MoU) signed between Ethiopia and Somaliland shows a critical yet contesting developments, which provides Ethiopia an opportunity maritime access via Somaliland whereas simultaneously enhancing Somaliland’s quest for international recognition. This study, entitled “The Shifting Sands of Diplomacy: Ethiopia’s Evolving Relationship with Somaliland and its Impact on the Horn of Africa,” examines the MoU’s implications for regional economic and security integration and stability as well as foreign policy relations. To conduct this study and to better understand the nature of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), the more pertinent theoretical frameworks of liberalism, constructivism, and realism has been used. The research employed a qualitative method based on secondary and primary data including interview with the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ expert, review literatures, media outlets, prominent internet and website sources as well as analysis of academic article journals and books. The research applied thematic and comparative analysis to understand and interpret Ethiopia’s interests, Somaliland’s diplomatic course, and the feedbacks of international, regional players and neighboring countries to negotiate or complicate the signing of the MoU. Based on the findings, Ethiopia’s active engagement with Somaliland reveals the practical realist assumptions aiming access to maritime and ensuring national security. On the other hand, Somaliland secures recognition by utilizing the deal using it as a mechanism to achieve its planned goal. Hence, the MoU has aggravated geopolitical competition, by creating counterbalancing reactions from Somalia, Djibouti, Eritrea, and Egypt including from western and Gulf states and as well as regional and international organizations. From the liberal point of view, the MoU is a means for potential economic inter-connectedness and institutional cooperation, while the constructivist standpoint, it highlights how legitimacy, norm creation and identity issues shape both behavior and regional understandings. Therefore, the study, sums up that the MoU represents the intertwined of power play, institutions, and identity in the horn of Africa makes more complex. Viable stability entails reconciling the realist’s rules of survival with the liberal mutual cooperation and constructivists’ understanding of recognition or legitimacy. Formal mediations and negotiations under the IGAD or AU supervisions might be one of the mechanisms to implement, by focusing on the common economic and security objectives are suggested to advance the MoU’s deal from a source of conflict into a framework of regional integration and cooperation. Key Words: Diplomacy, International Relations, Horn of Africa, Regional Integration, Mutual understanding, Mediations, negotiations, recognition, de facto state recognition ,de jure recognition ,legitimacy, legal deterrence ,quasi states
The Impact of Global Conflicts on International Assistance to the Horn of Africa Since 2022: A Focus on Ethiopia
(Addis Ababa University, 2025-12-01) Dawit Solomon; Bayuligne Zemedeagegnehu
This research thesis examines how the global conflicts, particularly the Russia–Ukraine war and the Israel–Palestine conflict, impact the geopolitics surrounding humanitarian aid, with a specific focus on Ethiopia. The objective of the study is to understand how these crises influence the distribution of international aid, donor policies, and the effectiveness of humanitarian efforts in a country facing various internal and regional challenges. By using a qualitative case study approach, the research combines insights from 30 key individuals, including community leaders, aid workers, government officials, and donor representatives, with secondary data from reports, policy documents, and humanitarian databases such as OCHA FTS, UNHCR, and WFP. The primary instrument of data collection consisted of semi-structured interviews and open-ended interview guides/checklists, while the secondary instruments of data collection included document analysis, discourse analysis, and comparative analysis. The findings reveal that global conflicts have notably altered the availability, nature, and regularity of aid reaching Ethiopia. Humanitarian assistance has increasingly shifted toward Europe and the Middle East, resulting in delays, funding shortages, and service gaps, particularly in food, health, and protection sectors. Donor decision-making is heavily influenced by geopolitical factors, often placing strategic and political interests ahead of humanitarian needs. Primary data further reveal community-level challenges such as exclusion errors, uneven aid distribution, and limited participation in decision-making processes. Comparative analysis shows that Ethiopia consistently receives a smaller share of requested humanitarian funds compared to Ukraine and the Israel–Gaza conflict, reflecting the effects of media visibility and donor prioritization. The study concludes that Ethiopia’s humanitarian response remains constrained by shifting global priorities and limited national funding systems. Keywords: Donor priorities, Aid effectiveness, Ethiopia, Geopolitics, Humanitarian aid, Israel–Gaza conflict, Russia–Ukraine conflict
Ethiopia and China: Political and Economic Relations Since 2018
(Addis Ababa University, 2025-09-01) Israel Sileshi; Bayuligne Zemedeagegnehu
The purpose of this study was to assess the evolution of political and economic relationships between Ethiopia and China from 2018 onward. Recently Ethiopia experienced significant political reform under Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed during a period of significant regional instability; meanwhile, China began expanding its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) throughout Africa. Therefore, the need to understand how Ethiopia will navigate this relationship is the research question.A qualitative case study methodology was used for this study. Primary data collection was conducted via semi-structured interviews with Ethiopian government and sectors' officials and review of policy documents and investment data. Semi-structured interview transcript responses were thematically coded to determine the patterns of diplomatic and economic interactions among the two countries. Politically, both Ethiopia and China have enhanced their relationship through regular high-level meetings and aligned foreign policies in international forums. Interview participants stated China as "a true friend" providing diplomatic support to Ethiopia, including support within the United Nations and in Ethiopia's conflict. Likewise, Ethiopia supported Chinese interest in BRICS membership. Economically, the increased Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) and lending to Ethiopia as part of the BRI have enabled rapid expansion of Ethiopia's infrastructure roads, railways, electrical power, industrial parks resulting in job creation and industrialization. According to officials, the Chinese investments in manufacturing are also increasing significantly leading to increases in fixed capital formation and the beginnings of an industrial economy. Nevertheless, such benefits occur at a cost to Ethiopia, namely growing Chinese loan obligations, a large trade deficit and dependence upon Chinese imports. Furthermore, the interview participants described the varying results regarding the transfer of technology and job opportunities,while Chinese firms provide highly advanced machinery and equipment, the lack of technological capability and limited career advancement opportunities for Ethiopian employees continue to be problems. Officials stated they have established several strategies to address these challenges including: negotiation of debt relief, promotion of local content requirements, and diversification of potential investors beyond China.As a whole, Ethiopian officials have viewed the relationship between Ethiopia and China as generally mutually beneficial although requiring effective management. The partnership is viewed as contributing greatly to Ethiopia's developmental objectives while raising structural risks that Ethiopia must mitigate. This study provides insight into how an African state (Ethiopia) utilizes its agency in a South-South engagement: it uses Chinese financial and resource commitments to enhance its economic growth while attempting to maintain its sovereignty and to promote a diversified set of investment partners. This study adds to the body of knowledge regarding contemporary China-Africa relations and the strategies employed by African governments in development partnerships. Keywords:Belt and RoadInitiative, Development partnership,Ethiopia–China relations, Political Alignment,South-South Cooperation
Political Economy of State-Peasant Relations in Ethiopia Under Eprdf, 1991-2018: Experiences From Dawo and Sululta, Oromia National Regional State
(Addis Ababa University, 2025-11-01) Gutema Daniel; Solomon Mebrie
Studies of state-society relations in the post-1991 period have been dominated by interactions between the new federal state structure and various ethno-national groups in the country. Some argued that the benefit of the new dispensation outweighs its negative impacts, while others held the contrary view. Thus, little scholarly attention was paid to another social group, peasantry, that was at the heart of state-society relations, crossing across ethno-national lines, even as the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) put peasants at the heart of its governance strategy. The study attempts to fill this gap by focusing on the theme of state-peasant relations under EPRDF. The study applied a critical political economy approach to investigate state-peasant relations under EPRDF regime. It applied insights from Marxist, neopopulist and modernization theories to understand the world of peasants. The research adopted a critical social science (critical political economy) approach. The study sites were Dawo Woreda, a rural area and Sululta town, a peri-urban area close to Addis Ababa, that was found Oromia regional state. Data was collected through 28 key informant interviews with experts based at Ministry of Agriculture, Dawo Woreda and Sululta town, Kebele officials, development agents and peasants, and 11 FGDs held with different segments of peasants. The study found that the relation between state and peasants under EPRDF was largely shaped by neopatrimonialism and hegemonic drive of the regime. And the relation was characterized by state domination of peasants through ownership and control over land; local government tentacles that reached and brought every rural household within the purview of the state; constant surveillance and meting out of harsh punishment on peasants that did not tip toe the state-party line. However, peasants were cognizant of their political domination and lack of economic autonomy under EPRDF in spite of the regimes rhetoric that it was the only party that represented the interest of peasants. Thus, when the opportunity presented itself, they showed themselves to be ready to oppose the regime as in 2005 national election and the Oromo protest (2014-2018) that ultimately ejected TPLF dominated EPRDF regime from power at the center. Key Words: State, Peasants, Critical Political Economy, Neopatrimonialism, Rural Development Policy, Ethiopia, Oromo
Political Economy of State-Peasant Relations in Ethiopia Under Eprdf, 1991-2018: Experiences from Dawo and Sululta, Oromia National Regional State
(Addis Ababa University, 2025-11-01) Gutema Daniel; Solomon Mebrie
Studies of state-society relations in the post-1991 period have been dominated by interactions between the new federal state structure and various ethno-national groups in the country. Some argued that the benefit of the new dispensation outweighs its negative impacts, while others held the contrary view. Thus, little scholarly attention was paid to another social group, peasantry, that was at the heart of state-society relations, crossing across ethno-national lines, even as the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) put peasants at the heart of its governance strategy. The study attempts to fill this gap by focusing on the theme of state-peasant relations under EPRDF. The study applied a critical political economy approach to investigate state-peasant relations under EPRDF regime. It applied insights from Marxist, neopopulist and modernization theories to understand the world of peasants. The research adopted a critical social science (critical political economy) approach. The study sites were Dawo Woreda, a rural area and Sululta town, a peri-urban area close to Addis Ababa, that was found Oromia regional state. Data was collected through 28 key informant interviews with experts based at Ministry of Agriculture, Dawo Woreda and Sululta town, Kebele officials, development agents and peasants, and 11 FGDs held with different segments of peasants. The study found that the relation between state and peasants under EPRDF was largely shaped by neopatrimonialism and hegemonic drive of the regime. And the relation was characterized by state domination of peasants through ownership and control over land; local government tentacles that reached and brought every rural household within the purview of the state; constant surveillance and meting out of harsh punishment on peasants that did not tip toe the state-party line. However, peasants were cognizant of their political domination and lack of economic autonomy under EPRDF in spite of the regimes rhetoric that it was the only party that represented the interest of peasants. Thus, when the opportunity presented itself, they showed themselves to be ready to oppose the regime as in 2005 national election and the Oromo protest (2014-2018) that ultimately ejected TPLF dominated EPRDF regime from power at the center. Key Words: State, Peasants, Critical Political Economy, Neopatrimonialism, Rural Development Policy, Ethiopia, Oromo
The Dynamics of Pan-Ethiopianist and Ethno-Centric Political Elites Contradiction and Transition to Democracy in Ethiopia since 1991
(Addis Abeba Universty, 2025-04-01) Yalelet Gashaw; Yonas Ashnie
The politics of transition to democracy in Ethiopia between 1991 and 2024 has been marked by the interplay of two competing ideological frameworks: Pan-Ethiopianism and ethno-centric nationalism. This thesis explores the contradictions between these ideologies, their impact on political elites, and the challenges they pose to transition of the country’s politics. The paper has empirically examined the nature of elite political contestation and its implication on the contemporary political transition in Ethiopia. Specifically, the study comparatively analyzes the nature of elite contradiction from historical and ideological point of view, explored the nature of elite contradiction and power struggle and examined the impact of those elite contradictions on transition to democracy in Ethiopia.Theoretical literature reveals that contestation between the elites in terms of ethnicity, history, ideology and symbol politics hinder the democratic transition in the country. The study has employed the qualitative comparative exploratory research approach to address the research questions that deal with pan-Ethiopianist and Ethno-nationalist elite’s contradiction and the possibility of democratic Transition in Ethiopia under the study period. Primary data is collected from purposely selected key informants and first hand documents. Secondary data is collected from plethora of written documents available on internet and AAU Kennedy library. Thematic discourse analysis method is used to analyse the collected data. The study shows that pan-ethiopianist and ethno-centric group of elites in Ethiopia have their own ideological and historical roots. Secondly the two elites contradict each other in a number of agendas including Ethiopian history, national symbol politics, constitutional making, nation building, the federal structure and power sharing. Then the research reveals that though pan-ethiopianist and ethno-nationalist group of Ethiopian elites tactically collaborated to cause leadership change within EPRDF regime, strategic cooperation and bargaining is a never possible development because of division, polarization, war political culture, politically motivated killings, political instability, fragile democratic institutions, constitutional crisis and gripe of power among others. Hence, the contemporary political ecology of the country is not conducive to transition to democracy given extreme ideological difference between elites. Therefore, reconfiguration of the national politics and inclusive political bargaining on critical national agenda are paramount important as far as Ethiopia as a nation state is concerned.
Analyzing the cyber Security and its Capacity Barriers to Ethiopia's Cyber Sovereignty
(Addis Abeba Universty, 2025-06-01) Tsion Genene; Fekade Terefe
Ethiopia's ability to secure its cyberspace is essential to its strategic pursuit of opportunities in the digital world because, in addition to endangering national sovereignty, a lack of cyber protection will also jeopardize the enormous potential that comes with digital engagement .This study analyze Ethiopia's vulnerabilities to cybersecurity and how they can affect the state sovereignty. Employing a qualitative research approach, the study draws on data from key informant interviews and existing literature. The finding highlighted that Ethiopia's increasing dependence on the digital realm poses a direct challenge to its national sovereignty, largely due to a fragile cybersecurity framework stemming from obsolete technology, insufficient skilled personnel, and inadequate inter-agency collaboration. The nation's weaknesses go beyond simple data breaches, encompassing threats to essential infrastructure and the potential for foreign interference. The study concludes that in order to safeguard its digital future, Ethiopia must promptly implement a strategic and all-encompassing approach, which includes enforcing a national cybersecurity policy, investing in technological advancements and public awareness initiatives, and enhancing its international collaborations to address global cyber threats.
The Politics of Foreign aid in Ethiopia and its Implications on Human Rights and Democracy: the Case of United States Since 1991
(Addis Abeba Universty, 2023-10-01) Tsedal Andualem; Firehiwot Sintayehu
Since 1990 donors, particularly the USA and World Bank have started increasingly to focus on political conditions for providing aid. Basically, human rights performance and democratization were formally brought into the program of negotiations with recipient countries. This research aimed to analyze the politics of foreign aid in Ethiopia and its implications on democracy and human rights: the case of United States aid since 1991. The paper looked at the link between foreign aid and Ethiopia’s government, political, and diplomatic dynamics and implications. The findings of this research demonstrated that the US democracy aid has little/no implication on governmental transitions to democratization, multiparty system, and HR promotion in Ethiopia since the1991, and continued throughout 2000’s and the study also founded a contradictory results on the allocation, flow, aim, and implication of US aid in Ethiopia. The research further analyses the Ethio- US bilateral relations focusing on the issue of democracy, human rights, and good governance (DRG) assistance and its implications in the aftermath of the establishment of the transitional government of Ethiopia in 1991. The study provides an extensive analysis of the US foreign policy towards human rights and democracy and political conditionality and the US’s suspension of assistance to Ethiopia, its objective, and its impact on the economic, political, and humanitarian aspects of Ethiopia.
Sierra Leone’s Foreign Policy to ECOWAS from 2018-2022
(Addis Abeba Universty, 2025-05-01) Patricia Ansumana; Yonas Ashine
Sierra Leone is one of the member states of ECOWAS. ECOWAS has a broad mandate encompassing economic, political and security cooperation,making it a more holistic and integrated regional body. It also has a strong emphasis on conflict prevention and resolution, deploying peacekeeping forces (ECOMOG) and mediating disputes among member states. This proactive approach to maintaining peace and security sets it apart from some regional organizations that primarily react to conflicts after they erupt. This research critically appraises Sierra Leone's foreign policy toward ECOWAS between 2018 and 2022. The study aims to evaluate the effectiveness, coherence, and contribution of Sierra Leone's engagement with ECOWAS in achieving both national and regional goals during this period. Specifically, this study aims to achieve three interrelated objectives: the first one is evolution of Sierra Leone's foreign policy towards ECOWAS in recent years. Secondly, assess the key domestic and international factors shaping Sierra Leone's engagement with ECOWAS since 2018. Thirdly, the paper discusses the effectiveness of Sierra Leone's foreign policy in achieving its national interests through ECOWAS.The study employs a qualitative research design, and methodology involved (both primary and secondary data collection methods, e.g., analysis of policy documents, interviews with key officials, and review of relevant literature). The study reveals that Sierra Leone's foreign policy significantly influences its national interests, prioritizing security, and promoting regional cooperation to convert ECOWAS engagement into economic benefits. The analysis was validated applied theories like Liberalism, Realism, constructivism, and rational theory. The study Recommend that strengthening Sierra Leone's ECOWAS engagement include enhancing domestic coordination mechanisms, or prioritizing capacity building in key sectors. The research contributes to a deeper understanding of Sierra Leone's foreign policy choices and their implications for regional integration and development within ECOWAS.
Tourism as a Tool for Public Diplomacy: the Case of Addis Ababa Since 2018
(Addis Abeba Universty, 2025-05-01) Temesgen Mariye; Firehiwot Sintayehu
Adopting a soft power and constructivist theoretical framework, this article examines how tourism has been employed as a tool of public diplomacy in Addis Ababa since 2018. To collect relevant data, the study employed a qualitative research methodology. Primary data was gathered through key informant interviews with officials from the Ministry of Tourism, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Local communities and the Addis Ababa City Administration. In addition, relevant policy documents and academic literature were analyzed as secondary sources. The analysis supports the theoretical assumption that tourism, when strategically developed and framed, can serve as an effective mechanism for state image-building and foreign engagement. The study finds that flagship projects and initiatives such as Unity Park, Friendship Park, Entoto Park, the Adwa Victory Memorial and MICE Tourism by the Government are actively curated to communicate Ethiopia’s historical narrative, development agenda, and regional solidarity. Nonetheless, the findings also suggest that political instability, institutional fragmentation, and the absence of a unified tourist policy hinder the efficacy of tourism diplomacy. Furthermore, the analysis reveals a disparity between the symbolic representation of national advancement and the fundamental governance issues that hinder sustained influence. Consequently, although tourism possesses significant potential as a soft power tool, its efficacy is contingent upon political stability, strategy alignment, and inclusive execution
Post-2018 Ethiopia-Turkiye Political and Economic Relations: Challenges and Opportunities
(Addis Abeba Universty, 2025-01-01) Netsanet Lire; Fekade Terefe
The period since 2018 marks a significant transformation in Ethiopia Turkiye diplomatic relations, characterized by enhanced political, security, and economic cooperation. Focusing especially on political engagement, military and security cooperation, and economic ties, this study looks at the development of bilateral relations between Ethiopia and Turkiye since 2018. Using a qualitative research methodology, the study makes use of official records, government reports, key informant interviews, and body of current literature. The results show that Ethiopia's political change under Dr. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has helped to boost diplomatic interactions, strengthen security alliances, and raise Turkish investments in sectors including manufacturing, textiles, and infrastructure. Despite this increase, challenges still exist including Ethiopia's increasing trade deficit and policies influencing bilateral economic cooperation. According to the study, Ethiopia Turkiye relations have significantly improved since 2018 and present great possibilities for ongoing cooperation provided economic and legal challenges can be properly addressed.
The Role of Infrastructural Connectivity for Boosting Economic Integration in the Horn of Africa
(Addis Abeba Universty, 2025-06-01) Muluken Tariku; Zelalem Tesfay
This research investigates the roles of infrastructural connectivity in boosting regional integration in the Horn of Africa – a sub-region known for fragile economy, political instability and less viable connectivity. The multifaceted challenges and opportunities observed in the region call for fostering regional integration. Existing studies have investigated the challenges and prospects of regional integration in the Horn of Africa. Nevertheless, there is a gap in the literature as the role of infrastructure connectivity in boosting regional integration is less covered aspect. As such, fresh data that depicts the status of existing infrastructure connectivity along with the implications on regional integrations is a missing link in the thematic area. The study aims to answer, among others, what the status of the current connectivity in the sub-region is; how different factors are affecting regional integration efforts; as well as what types of challenges and opportunities can be identified behind regional integration schemes. The study employed qualitative research approach by gathering up-to-date data from primary and secondary sources. The study demonstrated that the status of cross-border infrastructure in the HoA is characterized by uneven development and critical missing link. Further, the study indicated the main roles of infrastructure connectivity, namely transportation, energy and digital linkage, in enhancing regional integration in the sub-region. The study identified financial bottlenecks, structural problems, political instability as well as reluctant policy harmonization efforts as main challenges that hindered regional integration effort. The study called for further researches on the topic by identifying the social, economic and political challenges of connectivity in the region by assessing the challenges, which each member states in the region face in their intra-regional infrastructure connectivity.

Browse

Recent Submissions