International Relations

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Israel-Palestine Conflict and Factors that Impacted Arab League Policy Towards the Conflict Resolution, 2017-2023
(Addis Ababa University, 2024-03-01) Rania Mohammed; Bayuligne Zemedeagengehu (Dr.)
This academic research examined the factors that impacted the effectiveness of Arab League's policy towards resolving the Israel-Palestine conflict from 2017 to 2023. Utilizing qualitative research methods, primary and secondary data were meticulously gathered and analyzed. Purposive sampling was employed to select key informants for in-depth interviews, providing valuable insights into the League's multifaceted approach. Through a meticulous blend of thematic and content analysis, this study evaluated the League's actions and their tangible impact on conflict resolution efforts. The findings revealed a nuanced landscape where the effectiveness of the Arab League's policy remained a topic of ongoing debate. Over time, the League's approach evolved in response to changing regional dynamics, international relations, and internal Arab politics. The study underscored how external factors, such as US vetoes and UNSC bias, hindered peace efforts by obstructing the adoption of resolutions aligned with the League's stance, thereby testing its influence on international outcomes. Acknowledging the League's enforcement limitations, similar to other international bodies, the study highlighted challenges in implementing its policies towards the Israel-Palestine conflict. Nonetheless, it emphasized that this limitation was systemic, affecting all international organizations involved in conflict resolution. Conclusively, the study refrained from categorizing the League's effectiveness as either fully effective or ineffective, acknowledging the complexity of its role. Implications of this research extend to informing policymakers and stakeholders engaged in regional conflict resolution, suggesting potential adjustments to diplomatic strategies and enhanced cooperation among international bodies. This research contributed to the understanding of the complexities surrounding the Israel-Palestine conflict and highlighted the need for further examination of external influences on regional conflict resolution efforts. Key Words: Arab League, Conflict Resolution, Israel-Palestine conflict, Middle East, Peace
The Role of Shuttle Diplomacy in the Cessation of Hostilities Between the Government of Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia and Tigray Peoples Libration Front in the North Ethiopian Conflict: from 2020-2022
(Addis Ababa University, 2024-06-01) Kirubel Tsige; Demeke Achiso (PhD)
This study explains how shuttle diplomacy employed by the African Union and the United States has contributed to bringing the federal government and TPLF to the negotiation table, where the permanent cessation of hostility was reached in Pretoria, South Africa. The study employed a qualitative research approach and used key informant interviews and digital ethnography as instruments of data collection. According to the findings of the study, Ethiopia experienced a devastating conflict from 2020 to 2022 that was deeply rooted in post-2018 post-reform period developments like power rivalry, isolation of the TPLF in the new administration, the Ethiopian-Eritrea rapprochement, dismantling of the EPRDF, creation of the Prosperity Party, and the extension of the sixth general election. The aggregate of frustration and mistrust led to the November 3, 2020, preemptive attack of TPLF forces against ENDF, which marked the beginning of the conflict. Since this time, the African Union and the United States have been involved in resolving the conflict through a shuttle diplomacy approach. This approach was able to mobilize diplomatic efforts, abide by the non-intervention principle, and establish a robust platform for direct talks. However, intensive engagements in shuttle between Addis Ababa and Mekelle, the perception of impartiality, the rapid development of the battlefield and opportunistic behavior of parties, the multi-task mandates of envoys, and the swift change of US envoys to the region prevent success. Therefore, the study concludes that shuttle diplomacy, designed to address the North Ethiopian conflict, has not significantly contributed to the permanent cessation of hostility agreements. Key Words: Shuttle diplomacy, Cessation of Hostility, Ceasefires, African Union, United States
The Role of Diplomatic Missions in Ensuring the Rights of Citizens Abroad; the Case of Ethiopian Embassies at Beirut and Pretoria
(Addis Ababa University, 2024-06-01) Ruhama Taffese; Yonas Ashine (PhD)
Ethiopians have been migrating outside of the country for centuries for various different reasons. Millions of Ethiopians live across the globe currently and many of these reside in Lebanon and South Africa. Most of the Ethiopians residing in Lebanon work migrated to the country illegally and serve as domestic workers with very little safeguards to their rights while most of the Ethiopians Residing in South Africa engage in the informal sector with recurring threats of Xenophobic attacks. This study thus focused on what diplomatic protection is and ought to be provided to these distressed Ethiopians through the Ethiopian Embassies in Beirut and Pretoria by using qualitative methodology to explore the problem based on the detailed literature review and the interviews conducted. The consular protection and assistance provided by these embassies was found to be very little due to many factors and settling the politics within the country, equipping the embassies with the necessary budget and well trained and diplomats with capacity as well as having distinct attachés for compliant receiving purposes is recommended. The Thesis also recommends the already begun citizen centered diplomacy be well developed Key Words; Violation of Rights, Protection of Citizens Abroad, Role of Diplomatic Missions
Ethio-Us Diplomatic Relations Since 2018 and its Implication for Ethiopia's Peace and Security
(Addis Ababa University, 2024-04-01) Samrawit Gebreselassie; Demeke Achiso (PhD)
This paper examines the evolving relations between Ethiopia and the United States since 2018 and analyzes their implications for Ethiopia's peace and security. The methods of data collection include content analysis of official statements and interviews with key stakeholders The relationship between these two countries has witnessed significant changes in recent years due to a range of geopolitical shifts, economic factors, and internal dynamics within Ethiopia. The period since 2018 has been marked by a number of key developments that have influenced the relationship between Ethiopia and the United States. These include changes in leadership in both countries, shifts in foreign policy priorities, and evolving security challenges in the region.. By examining the various dimensions of this relationship, including security cooperation, economic ties, and diplomatic engagements, this paper seeks to offer a comprehensive analysis of how these interactions impact Ethiopia's peace and security. The findings suggest since 2018, the bilateral relationship has faced some challenges due to various factors, such as: Ethiopia’s political and economic reforms under Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. The current government is using ambassadors for political gain, which has resulted in a lack of commitment to diplomacy. There have been both areas of convergence and divergence in interests between Ethiopia and the US since 2018. While both countries share a commitment to promoting economic development and regional stability, there are also significant disagreements over issues such as the GERD, national interest and human rights issues .It suggests that there is a need for a more diplomatic approach to relations between the two countries, which would require a greater emphasis on selecting qualified and committed ambassadors. The relationship between Ethiopia and the United States has also multifaceted implications for peace and security in Ethiopia. These implications cut across diplomatic, humanitarian, security, economic, regional, and human rights dimensions. In conclusion, this paper argues that a deep understanding of the evolving relationship between Ethiopia and the United States is essential for policymakers, scholars, and practitioners seeking to promote peace and security in the region. By offering insights into the complex dynamics at play in this relationship, as well as their implications for Ethiopia's peace and security, this paper contributes to a deeper understanding of the intricate web of international and domestic factors that shape the future of this strategically important country. Key words :Ethio-US relations, peace and security, data collection methods, diplomatic dynamics, and bilateral cooperation.
Private Military and Security Companies in Africa and the Politics of International Law: Responsibility of Body Corporates
(Addis Ababa University, 2024-06-01) Senedu Tadesse; Fekade Terefe (Dr.)
The thesis examines the politics surrounding the regulation of PMSCs, which exempts companies from criminal responsibility. In addition to using secondary sources of data, the interdisciplinary analysis made use of international critical legal scholars’ application of Article 38 of the ICJ statute. The findings of the research pointed out that the international community’s conflicting political interests, particularly the divergent interests of Western and non-Western states, are the primary explanation why PMSCs are allowed to operate with impunity. The thesis further disclosed that although there is a general consensus regarding the existence of international law requiring states (hiring or territorial) to regulate the operations of PMSCs and that failure to do so results in the attribution of the PMSC’s conduct to those states, the implementation of this law is inconsistent and seldom contradictory. Furthermore, it proved that home states should have been obliged by international law to regulate the operations of their PMSCs in order to effectively regulate PMSCs and put an end to the pervasive impunity they currently enjoy. The thesis claimed that in the unlikely event that an internationally binding agreement regulating PMSCs materializes, these companies will continue to violate human rights and operate with impunity.
The Post-1991 Diplomatic Relation Between Ethiopia and India: Relation in the Academic Sector
(Addis Ababa University, 2024-07-01) Zerfu Geza; Firehiwot Sintayehu (Dr.)
The main objective of the study is to critically examine post-1991 Ethio-India academic relations. It aims to assess the bilateral academic relations between the two countries and the contributions of India to the development of the education sector in Ethiopia. To study these issues, the study used qualitative research methodology. Data was collected from both primary and secondary sources. Literature reviews were triangulated with semi-structure in-depth interview with officials from different organizations. The findings of this study show that academic relations between the two states have increased over time, though Ethiopia has not been efficiently and properly utilizing the academic opportunities from India. The 1990s political, economic, and academic reforms, the 2007 education agreements on science and technology, and the India-Africa Forum summits strengthening the academic collaborations between the two countries. In the India African Forum Summits held in 2008, 2011, and 2015, India promised to increase its support for African countries by increasing the number of scholarships and capacity-building trainings. Given that Ethiopia became the primary beneficiary of the Indian human resource development programs. However, the number of ICCR scholarships increased from 20 slots in 2003 to 55 since 2015, Ethiopia is not fully utilizing allocated slots. The number of ITEC slots has increased from 160 in 2013 to 406 since 2019 though Ethiopia is not also fully utilizing it. Tele-education and tele-medicine, the Barefoot Initiative program, CV Raman scholarships, and agricultural scholarships are other programs offered by India for Ethiopia. These programs have contributed to produce educated manpower in particular and education system development in general. In return, India benefits from sending unemployed teachers to Ethiopia, providing investment facilities for its investors, and enhancing its soft power diplomacy. Accordingly, India has been using education as a form of soft power diplomacy for its emerging political influence globally. To effectively use India’s academic opportunities, Ethiopia needs to focus on government initiatives to promote and support educational partnerships, streamline administrative procedures, and simplify the visa application. It also needs to establish an institutional platform, create a good environment, request to increase scholarship slots, and cooperatively work with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Education and Indian Embassy. Keywords: Inter-State Relations, Foreign policy, Diplomacy, Academic Relation, South-South Cooperation, Scholarship, Capacity Building, Human Resource Development
Changes and Continuities in Ethiopia’s Foreign Policy Since 1991
(Addis Ababa University, 2023-10-01) Abdurahman Edao; Hussein Jemma (Dr.)
The study focuses on the changes and continuities in the country's foreign policy since 1991. In terms of data gathering, this study consulted both primary and secondary sources of information. Primary data were collected through a series of interviews with key informants. Secondary data were collected from books, journals, published articles, speeches, published and unpublished documents, and internet archives. The study reveals that the post 1991 Ethiopia's foreign relations has been guided by the principle of good neighborliness and peaceful relations with both nearby and distant countries. However, the study found that due to uncertainties in the Horn of Africa region and some of its member states like Sudan, Somalia, and Eritrea, Ethiopia's foreign policy under the EPRDF's regime was flawed and initially characterized by passiveness which was reactive in nature. After the 2018, the country's foreign policy underwent another significant shift. The reconciliation with Eritrea after a two-decade-long stalemate received great support both regionally and internationally. On the other hand, this study identifies continuities in Ethiopia's foreign policy despite a change in regime. These include economic diplomacy, regional integration, and multilateralism. Additionally, the study thoroughly examines the challenges to the country's foreign policy. These challenges primarily stem from domestic political unrest, border disputes, terrorism, and cybersecurity. Finally, based on the empirical discussions, the researcher argues that Ethiopia's foreign policy should be guided by the principle of 'peace at home first' and assertive diplomacy.
Dynamics of Border Dispute between Ethiopia and Sudan over Al- Fashaga (Yewuhabist) Since 2018.
(Addis Ababa University, 2024-03-01) Andualem Menan; Yonas Ashene (PhD)
This study delves into the long-lasting conflict dynamics of the Ethiopia and Sudan border dispute, particularly after the 2018 regime change in both countries. The study uses qualitative research methods and purposive sampling to explore the root causes of the conflict and patterns of the dispute. The focus of the research is on the border land of Alfashaga, which has significant geostrategic and geoeconomic importance and is a potential source of economic development. The study uncovers why the resources and potential of the area have not been properly utilized and how the dispute has been provoked by different visible and non-visible external actors. The state behaviors of the countries, internal conflicts, military discipline, and self-interest of war commanders have contributed to the dispute dynamics. The study also highlights the impact of improper border management of Ethiopia as another provoking factor. The research provides solid evidence of the current territorial occupation of Sudan and the problems faced in the area. The study emphasizes the impact of colonial legacies on African border-related crises and recommends bilateral talks and negotiations with counter diplomacy and para diplomacy as a possible solution. The study suggests that a joint soft solution could be found to curve the border dispute from being a bone of contention to a bridge of cooperation, rather than relying on the UN border dispute mechanism. The findings of the research contribute to the understanding of the conflict dynamics of the Ethiopia and Sudan border dispute and provide insights into the root causes and patterns of the dispute. The research also highlights the importance of proper border management and bilateral negotiations in resolving border disputes. The study underscores the need for African countries to find joint soft solutions to border disputes, rather than relying on external mechanisms.
The Ethio-Eritrea Rapprochement Since 2018 and Ethiopia’s Quest for Access to the Read Sea
(Addis Ababa University, 2023-08-01) Frehiwot Aseres; Demeke Achiso (Dr.)
This essay's main objective is to evaluate the main aspects of Ethiopia's relations with Eritrea since 2018 and Ethiopia's quest for Red Sea access. In order to achieve this purpose, the study made an effort to discuss important elements of the Ethio-Eritrea reconciliation. The study used qualitative research methods. The data utilized to produce the results came from both primary and secondary sources. The relevant information for this approach was gathered through key informant interviews and document analysis. Determining the bilateral diplomatic and economic ties between Ethiopia and Eritrea was the aim of the study. Due to Ethiopia's democratic development, there is now a new opportunity for reconciliation. Ethiopia's government has made a critical choice to put the Algiers Accord into effect since June 2018. The official end of the war between Ethiopia and Eritrea signaled end of“no-peace no-war era”. The same month, Eritrea declared the end of the conscription system. In September, Ethiopia, Somalia, and Eritrea reached a tripartite agreement. The partnership between Ethiopia and Eritrea improved the nations' sentiments toward one another. Eritrea and Djibouti also resolved to reestablish their relations tin the same month, September, which is another development on the Horn of Africa. At the end, both Ethiopia and Eritrea decided to withdraw troops from the border region. The Red Sea's coast was historically considered to be a part of Ethiopia. Unfortunately, Ethiopia dropped the ball. Access to the Sea is Ethiopia's key national interest problem due to its significant overseas trade transactions. Ethiopia should now make the most of the ports close to her neighbor in order to lessen its reliance on the port of Djibouti. A new window of opportunity for access to the Red Sea could be created by the rapprochement with Eritrea. The government of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed was prepared to pursue tight diplomatic ties with Eritrea. "No peace, no war" has been the guiding principle of both nations for the past Twenty years. Reconciliation between Ethiopia and Eritrea improved the situation in the area.
Great Power Rivalry in the Horn of Africa and Its Implications on Ethiopian National Security From 2018 - 2022
(Addis Ababa University, 2023-12-01) Jafar Bedru; Asnak Kefale (PhD)
Through this study, an effort is made to analyze the national security implications of great power rivalry in Africa and the Horn of Africa region to Ethiopia. The study aimed to find out the implications of great powers competitive engagement in Africa and the Horn Ethiopia. The study analyzed, theoretically and practically, the opportunities and challenges of intensified great power rivalry in the sub-region for Ethiopian‟s security. Methodologically, qualitative research methodology was used. Accordingly, both primary and secondary sources of data are employed. Secondary data is derived from books, journals, media reports, various research works, and policy documents. Primary data were collected through key informant interviews from various governmental and non-governmental foreign policy and security sector institutions. The research found out opportunities and threats to Ethiopia‟s security. In terms of opportunities, increased competitive engagement of great powers in the Horn has positive contribution in economic and diplomatic terms as great power rivalry provides with alternative sources of economic and diplomatic opportunities. However, there are major challenges to Ethiopia‟s political stability and territorial integrity, when rival superpowers meddle in domestic political processes. In the context of Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa, the study offered evidence indicating the negative impacts of great power competitive engagement in weakening the Ethiopian state‟s capability to provide economic prosperity, peace and security to its people.
Us-Horn of Africa Relations: Implications to Ethiopia’s National Interest (Post 2018)
(Addis Ababa University, 2023-06-01) Lami Tamene; Yacob Arsano (PhD)
The Horn of Africa is one of the strategic places in the world as its geographical location attracts various actors for the purpose of their own national interests. The US is among those actors to protect its national and allies’_ interests. This study has attempted to analyse the USHorn of African Countries relation and its implications to Ethiopia’s national interest from 2018 to present. The study has employed qualitative approach because of the nature of the study along with primary and secondary sources of data. Depending on the qualitative investigations of texts, semi-structured and open ended interviews, the study has identified and analyzed implications of the US-Horn of African Countries relations to Ethiopia’s national interests. From the opportunity perspective, the study revealed that the US has played role directly or indirectly to Ethiopia’s economic interest through protecting trade routes and maritime in the region.The study also affirmed that the relation has played role to Ethiopia’s peace, military and political security through preventing interstate war, counter-terrorism operations ,military training and intelligence. On the other side ,the study disclosed that the relations have negative implications to Ethiopia’s economic interest. Even though Ethiopia and the US had signed agreement (from 2019 to 2024) that US has to provide about 2 billion US Dollar to Ethiopia for economic purposes,the deal has not properly accomplished due to US’s complaint about the war between TPLF and Ethiopian federal government. In addition, the relation has resulted in the AGOA termination (on January 01, 2022) that brought a number of economic problems for Ethiopia and have negatively impacted in relation with GERD which is high national economic interest and pride for Ethiopia. Furthermore, the study confirmed that the relations has negative implications to Ethiopia’s peace, political and military security_(undermining the national integrity and sovereignty) and the researcher realized that even if the US-Horn of African countries (Ethiopia, Somalia and Djibouti) relations have both negative and positive implications to Ethiopia’s national interest,the negative implications outweigh the positive implications(from 2018 to present). Finally,based on the findings, the paper suggests that Ethiopia needs to work more on its internal assignments; needs to have the flexible, responsive and proactive policy options to the Horn region and super powers which are increasingly present in the region;in order to resume AGOA and to release the halted aids, Ethiopia may have to re-engage more with the US and properly implement the peace process started with TPLF; Ethiopia has to apply skilful and principle based diplomatic relations with super powers, and need to apply African solution to African Problems through IGAD and AU like conflict resolution being held between TPLF and Ethiopian federal government.
Post-2018 Ethio-Eritrea Relation: Challenges and Prospects
(Addis Ababa University, 2023-06-01) Mekbeb Tekleyes; Yonas Ashine (PhD)
The 2018 relationship between Ethiopia and Eritrea has changed from antagonism, confrontation, and conflict to cooperation. The two states' friendship, as well as the peace and security in the Horn of Africa as a whole, would be improved by this cooperation. The purpose of this research was to examine how the 2018 agreement may become prospective by confronting its challenges. Data was gathered from primary and secondary sources, such as face-to-face semi-structured interviews, journals, books, documents, articles, newspapers, online sites, and chosen media. Many analysts, scholars and community of practice see the agreement positively and embrace it, but the study's findings show that there are various variables that make it difficult for the collaboration to be effective and successful. One of the most serious is the protracted civil conflict that has arisen in the northern Ethiopia (covering the Tigrai, Amhara and Afar regional states), which poses a clear and present danger to peace and security;furthermore, according to the study, if Ethiopia's internal problems are not resolved within a short period of time, cooperation as neighboring states may face real challenges, with consequences not only for them but also for the region.
Implications of the War Between Federal Government and Tplf on Ethio-U.S. Relations Since 2020
(Addis Ababa University, 2023-05-01) Tolera Fikru; Bayuligne Zemedeagenyehu (Dr.)
The war between the Ethiopian federal government and TPLF which was conducted from November 2020 to October 2022 attracted the attention of external forces, international media, multilateral institutions, and researchers. This study examines the implications of the war on EthioU.S. relations from 2020 to the present. Qualitative research approach was employed for the study. Data were collected through in-depth interviews with key informants from Ethiopian government, U.S. institutions, senior diplomats, and researchers, among others. The study identified major factors that led to a deterioration of the Ethio-U.S bilateral relationship including alleged human rights violations by the U.S, Ethiopia's change in foreign policy orientation contrary to U.S. expectations in the post 2018, geopolitical competition, and relations between the U.S. and former TPLF officials which necessitated U.S. protection of the TPLF during the war. Diplomatic pressure and U.S.-imposed sanctions against Ethiopia have had two important implications on bilateral relations. First, it put strong international pressure on Ethiopia, and Secondly, this has caused Ethiopia to promptly align itself with the powers that rival the United States, China, and Russia. The findings also indicate that bilateral economic cooperation was severed during the war. The bilateral export trade showed decline in the part of the U.S in 2021, while Ethiopia earned better from export though non AGOA tariff-based export lines during the same year. The termination of AGOA denied Ethiopia substantial export earnings; while encouraging the country to seek for additional markets, notably from China, which helped it to withstand the U.S economic sanctions to some extent. Similarly, a shift in Ethiopia’s geopolitical security cooperation has been observed as Ethio-U.S. strategic security cooperation declined over the war. The study suggests that the two countries have solid mutual interests that they cannot ignore, while they need to take clear positions on critical issues such as prioritizing human rights issues over other strategic bilateral and regional issues, how they engage in the increasing geopolitical competition in the Horn of Africa, and on GERD politics.
Ethio-Djibouti Infrastructure Development Cooperation since 1998: Security Implications for Ethiopia
(Addis Ababa University, 2020-08-01) Zelalem Tesfay; Dr. Hussien Jemma
This study examines Ethio-Djibouti infrastructure development cooperation since 1998, with emphasis on its security implications for Ethiopia. Field data were gathered through key informant interviews. Major findings of the study are the following. Ethiopia and Djibouti have experienced long economic and political relations. Ethiopia is obtaining foreign currency from the energy trade although minimal due to low selling price and smaller amount exported. Besides, the supply of potable water to Djibouti for free regardless of Ethiopia’s huge port and demurrage expenses on daily bases is to the advantage of Djibouti. Nonetheless, Ethiopia’s submarine optic fiber global network through Djibouti has resulted in reduced telecommunication cost, economic development, as well as, improvement of ICT infrastructure. On the other hand, in view of transit infrastructure, the railway, improved port facilities, development of dry ports in both countries, and multimodal transit system have benefited Ethiopia. Foreign powers’ involvement, huge port tax and demurrage costs, inadequate port capacity, poor road standard mainly on the Djibouti side, distance, and inefficient freight forwarding and customs practice have insecurity implications for Ethiopia. As regards multi-sectorial security, the infrastructure linkage has created economic inter dependability, peace, and cooperation between border communities and reinforced social, cultural, and political bond despite hesitance on part of the Djiboutian elite. The infrastructural connectivity has also prospect of enhancing regional infrastructure and economic integration. Paradoxically, Djibouti’s port service charge is very high, which does not consider economic returns that it secures from Ethiopia. Besides, Djibouti’s trans-shipment business, unpredictability and weak commitment of Djiboutian political elite, military presence of external powers, the Gulf crisis, and Djibouti’s concern regarding Ethiopia’s alliance with United Arab Emirate, Somaliland, and Eritrea are constraints to the infrastructural development cooperation between Ethiopia and Djibouti. The study concludes that the Ethio-Djibouti infrastructural connectivity has instigated security and insecurity implications for Ethiopia suggesting the need for Ethiopia’s diversification of infrastructural linkages mainly land transport and maritime gateway without hurting its current relations with Djibouti, and boost security of the shipping operation by setting navy force at Djibouti. The study calls for further research in a comparative manner that would examine alternative port and transit corridor facilities bearing in mind distance, transit time and cost, capability of maritime logistics, and ramification of geopolitical alignment in the region to address Ethiopia’s maritime access security dilemma.
The USA Responses Towards the Civil War of Ethiopia in Tigray National Regional State
(Addis Ababa University, 2023-06-01) Belay Debebe; Yonas Ashene (PhD)
The Ethiopia and the USA have more than a century bilateral relation. But the civil war between the Government of Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (GFDRE) and the Tigray Peoples’ Liberation Front (TPLF) endangered Ethiopia by complicating and threatening the territorial integrity of Ethiopia and imbalance the national interests between the USA and Ethiopia. The National interest protectors’ of Ethiopia passed through security dilemma and politics of undermined and disrespected relations within the internationalization of internal war that affect the bilateral relations between Ethiopia and the USA. This study basically uses the internalization of the fertile ground of the determinants of USA’s responses towards the civil war of Ethiopia in National Regional State of Tigray (NRST) in the constructivist view by qualitatively explorative research method that contains external factors. A study fills the gap of limited research work in issues and in number using scattered and inconsistent data. As a result, to accomplish American interests, USA responses during the first round of the war tended to incline to the TPLF to return the TPLF-led leadership by dominant shuttle diplomacy in Ethiopia, at the Horn of Africa politics and entire world politics like in the UN. Significantly during the war, the USA declined its assistance and made illegible Ethiopia by more than forty percent and from the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). At the end of the two years’ war, the USA succeeded in support of the permanent ceasefire of the Pretoria Agreement between war actors of GFDRE and TPLF led by AU. As a recommendation, the agreement for no war efforts must be expanded to continue the inclusive policy of acts in a way that will fulfill the strategic interests of the United States, Ethiopia, and Africa.
Natural Resource Competition and Interethnic Relations in Wondo Genet, South-Central Ethlopia
(Addis Ababa University, 1999-06) Mohammed, Zerihun; Berisso, Dr Taddesse
This thesis describes the competition for agricultural natural resources and the resulting interethnic relations in Wando Genet, and particularly in Wendo Washa
Sexually Transmitted Diseases With Emphasis on Syphilis Among Pregnant Women in Ketchene A Wraja, Addis Ababa."
(Addis Ababa University, 1993-05) Mosissa, Daba; Carlson, Dennis (Prof.)
The research design was a community based crosssectional study; it was conducted among second and third trimester pregnant women by random sampling in Ketchene area (previously called Ketchene Awraja) which is part of Addis Ababa city. The objective was to determine the prevalence rate of syphilis and to assess knowledge of pregnant women regarding sexually transmitted diseases with emphasis on syphilis. A total of 410 pregnant women in the second and third trimester from 16 kebeles of the district were included in the study . They underwent a physical e xamination, laboratory examinations were done and pretested questionnaires were administered in the order mentioned. The study showed that 11% of second and third trimester women were positive by RPR - blood examination test for treponema palladium syphilis and 7 . 1% were positive by TPHA conf irmatory-test for treponema palladium syphilis. Knowledge regarding the existence of STDs was generally high : the percentages who mentioned various STDs when asked to list those they knew were HIV/AIDS (90.2%), syphilis (89.3%), Gonorrhoea (86.8%), chancroid (40%) and LGV (20%) respectively. Knowledge regarding thecauses of STDs is inadequate, particularly with regard to causes of gonorrhoea, but knowledge regarding treatment and prevention is fair. The frequency of asymptomatic syphilis was high; more than half of the 29 TPHA confirmed syphilis cases had no symptoms; likewise, the signs/symptoms had a low positive predic.tive value, that is very few of those with positive signs/symptoms of syphilis were actually positive by the TPHA-test. This may be because they had other STDs (LGV, Chancroid, Herpes genitalis ) which have also similar clinical manifestations . In this study there was no association between women ' s knowledge regarding STDs and their syphilis status as measured by the TPHA test. It is recommended to do vaginal examination and swabs for gram stain and wet-mount routinely during antenatal and family planning sessions. screening for syphilis using at least RPR test should be a routine procedure in pregnant women.
The United States and the Arab-Israeli Peace Process with a Special Reference to the Roadmap Peace Plan
(Addis Ababa University, 2007-03) Getachew, Abebe; Mathews, K.(Prof.)
Impact of Cross-Border Pastoral Conflicts on Ethio-Kenyan Relations Since 1990
(Addis Ababa University, 2007-04) Bekele, Abdissa; Mathews, K.(Prof.)
This study is about the impact of cross-border pastoral conflicts on the bilateral relations between Ethiopia and Kenya. It focuses on the conflicts between or amon g the pastoralists (Borana, Gam, Degido and the Gabbra) who live in Moyale and Marsabit border districts of Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya. The environmental condition of the case study area is arid and semi- arid . The study is also limited to the period 1990- 2006. By employing qualitative research methodology and selected theories of political s cience and internation al relations, using both primary and secondary source ma terials, the research proved that the impact of cross border pastoral conflicts in the study area in a ltering the nature of the bi-lateral relations of the two countries has been insignificant, although, there have been an mcrease in intensity and scope of the cross-border pastoral conflicts. The conflicts have tested their relations in these years. The study also proved that marginalization of the pastoralists emanated from the nature of the origin of the states and the nature of state- society relations. This has existed since their creations. The nature of the governments of both states that have been characterized by domination, ineqUality, non- democratic or autocratic nature is the main cause for the insignificance of the impacts. There are various sources of the cross-border pastoral conflict that made the area conflict prone. They include; the natural resource degradation, population increase especially due to refugee concentration, governance problems, continuation of the marginalization and others. Overall, this study is important because it relates two contradictory issues (cross- border pastoral conflict and peaceful diplomatic relations) . The marginalization of the pastoralists negatively affected the lives of the pastoral society in all aspects. Moreover, it also proved that the impact of cross border pastoral conflicts on the bi-lateral relations has been insignificant.
Cause and Consequences of Human Trafficking to the Middle East: The Role of Government in Tackling the Problem
(Addis Ababa University, 2007-05) Yigzaw, Asfaw; Birhanu, Kassahun (PhD)

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