International Relations
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Item Tourism as a tool for Public Diplomacy: the Case of Addis Ababa Since 2018(Addis Ababa University, 2025-05-01) Temesgen Mariye; Firehiwot Sintayehu (PhD)Adopting a soft power and constructivist theoretical framework, this article examines how tourism has been employed as a tool of public diplomacy in Addis Ababa since 2018. To collect relevant data, the study employed a qualitative research methodology. Primary data was gathered through key informant interviews with officials from the Ministry of Tourism, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Local communities and the Addis Ababa City Administration. In addition, relevant policy documents and academic literature were analyzed as secondary sources. The analysis supports the theoretical assumption that tourism, when strategically developed and framed, can serve as an effective mechanism for state image-building and foreign engagement. The study finds that flagship projects and initiatives such as Unity Park, Friendship Park, Entoto Park, the Adwa Victory Memorial and MICE Tourism by the Government are actively curated to communicate Ethiopia’s historical narrative, development agenda, and regional solidarity. Nonetheless, the findings also suggest that political instability, institutional fragmentation, and the absence of a unified tourist policy hinder the efficacy of tourism diplomacy. Furthermore, the analysis reveals a disparity between the symbolic representation of national advancement and the fundamental governance issues that hinder sustained influence. Consequently, although tourism possesses significant potential as a soft power tool, its efficacy is contingent upon political stability, strategy alignment, and inclusive execution Keywords: Tourism Diplomacy, Soft Power, Public Diplomacy, Nation Branding, Foreign PolicyItem Ethiopia’s Peace Cooperation and Maritime Diplomacy with Maritime Neighboring Countries since 2018: Successes and Challenges(Addis Ababa University, 2021-11-01) Tesfaye Tola; Hussein Jemma (PhD)This research aims at examining whether Ethiopia’s Peace Cooperation and Maritime Diplomacy with maritime neighboring countries mainly with Eritrea since 2018 satisfy Ethiopia's need to get the right to access the sea through Eritrea ports that serve both for commercial and military activities, and the reason why land-locked Ethiopia needs to build a navy and where Ethiopian navy will be based. The field data were collected through key informant interviews and Main findings of the study include, Ethiopia and Eritrea able to end the period of ‘no peace no war’ after the leaders of the two countries signed peace deal agreements in 2018. But, Ethiopia did not begin to use Eritrean ports both for economic and military activities. The reasons for the lack of official execution of the agreement signed to implement the boundary decision has not been executed due to internal conflict in Ethiopia, Ethiopia and Eritrea did not sign a package agreement that consists of port utilization protocols, and Eritrean ports are also lacking infrastructures. The study also found out that Ethiopia re-established its navy by Proclamation No. 1100/2019, to protect Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, to protect Ethiopian cargo ships, and to protect Ethiopian national interest in the Horn African maritime region. Yet, Ethiopia did not sign a single treaty with any maritime countries that help Ethiopia to get an operational naval base. Therefore, Ethiopia’s peace cooperation and maritime diplomacy made with Eritrea since 2018 did not satisfy Ethiopia's need to get access to the sea through Eritrea ports, which serve Ethiopia both for its economic and military objectives yet. Also, the base of the new Ethiopian navy is still unknown. This implies that Ethiopia needs to work hard to avoid all the challenges that impede its Peace Cooperation and Maritime diplomacy, and to make every possible effort to achieve the objective to get sea access through the maritime domain of Eritrea that would serve Ethiopia both for commercial and military purpose.Item Foreign Policy Approaches of China and U.S.A. towards Ethiopia Since 2018: a Comparative Analysis(Addis Ababa University, 2024-06-01) Yohannes Gebeyehu; Yacob Arsano (PhD)The foreign policy interests of China and U.S.A. towards Ethiopia have been anchored on geo strategic interests. Despite having similar strategic interests in Ethiopia, China and the U.S. pursued different foreign policy approaches towards Ethiopia. What accounts for the divergence of the approaches was not explored very well. Therefore, this study aimed at explaining the divergence in foreign policy approaches of China and U.S.A. towards Ethiopia since 2018. A qualitative methodology, a comparative method of research, thematic and content analysis are utilized as part of the research design in this study. Primary sources including personal interviews, policy documents, official reports, speeches of leaders, and secondary sources of data are analyzed using the tools of foreign policy and international relations theories. The analysis revealed that China pursues an approach of detachment to deal with internal conflict, non interference in domestic affairs, state centric approach in its engagement, developmentalist approach in the administration of foreign development assistance and high regard for Westphalian conception of state sovereignty. In contrast, the US pursued a policy of humanitarian intervention in its response to domestic conflicts, unilateral realism in its response to emergency, safety-net approach in the administration of humanitarian aid, the state-in-society approach in its engagement, and coercive power in enforcing its desire. The result indicated that the divergence of the foreign policy approaches of China and U.S.A. mainly resulted from differences in political culture, foreign policy priorities, role conception in the international system, historical experiences, self-image, strategic rivalry, differences in foreign policy decision making mechanisms and Ethiopia’s behavior. Keywords: foreign policy approach/behavior, U.S. foreign policy towards Ethiopia, Chinese foreign policy towards Ethiopia, comparative foreign policy approachItem A Study of the Practice of Public Diplomacy at American Corners in Ethiopia amid Diplomatic Tensions during the Northern Conflict(Addis Ababa University, 2025-06-01) Yohannes Gezahegn; Demeke Achiso (PhD)This study examined American Corners in Ethiopia as public diplomacy platforms during the northern conflict (2020–2022), a period of conflict and strained U.S.–Ethiopia relations. It explored the impact of the conflict on American Corner operations, strategies used to sustain programming, and the role of U.S. hard power in shaping soft power practices. Using qualitative design, the research drew on unstructured interviews with Corner coordinators, staff and supervisors. Thematic analysis revealed disruptions, particularly in Tigray where the Mekelle Corner was forced to shut down, while others adapted through digital tools and revised programming. Regardless of some hostile attitudes towards the U.S. over its perceived handling of the crisis, the American Corners in the country retained their credibility due to their non political, community-focused identity. There were no reports of whether physical or any other forms of attack against staff or facilities run by the Embassy. The study concluded that American Corners remained neutral, accessible spaces and vital instruments of U.S. public diplomacy under crisis, recommending continued support for such platforms in fragile contexts. Keywords: Northern Conflict, United States, Public Diplomacy, American CornersItem The Politics of Foreign Aid in Ethiopia and Its Implications on Human Rights and Democracy: The Case of United States Since 1991(Addis Ababa University, 2023-10-01) Tsedal Andualem; Firehiwot Sintayeh (PhD)Since 1990 donors, particularly the USA and World Bank have started increasingly to focus on political conditions for providing aid. Basically, human rights performance and democratization were formally brought into the program of negotiations with recipient countries. This research aimed to analyze the politics of foreign aid in Ethiopia and its implications on democracy and human rights: the case of United States aid since 1991. The paper looked at the link between foreign aid and Ethiopia’s government, political, and diplomatic dynamics and implications. The findings of this research demonstrated that the US democracy aid has little/no implication on governmental transitions to democratization, multiparty system, and HR promotion in Ethiopia since the1991, and continued throughout 2000’s and the study also founded a contradictory results on the allocation, flow, aim, and implication of US aid in Ethiopia. The research further analyses the Ethio- US bilateral relations focusing on the issue of democracy, human rights, and good governance (DRG) assistance and its implications in the aftermath of the establishment of the transitional government of Ethiopia in 1991. The study provides an extensive analysis of the US foreign policy towards human rights and democracy and political conditionality and the US’s suspension of assistance to Ethiopia, its objective, and its impact on the economic, political, and humanitarian aspects of Ethiopia. Keywords: Politics of Foreign Aid, Democracy and Human rights, Aid ConditionalityItem The Implication of External Support for Ethiopian Human Right Commission (2019-2023)(Addis ababa university, 2024-11-01) Abraham Abera; Solomon Mebrie (PhD)The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission was established for the purpose of promoting and protecting human rights in Ethiopia. Therefore, the purpose of this thesis is to evaluate the impact of external support on the performance of Ethiopian Human Right Commission. In order to do this, the thesis examines the commission's history since it went into force, the effectiveness of the commission's mandate and powers, accessibility, independence, operational efficiency, accountability, collaboration with international organizations, other human rights institutions, and civil society is reassessed in general in the thesis. The thesis analyzed primary and secondary sources using qualitative research approach. The primary sources included Commission’s founding proclamation, the 1993 Paris principles, interview with Commission’spartnership officer. On the other hand, interview conducted with important members of the Ethiopian Human Rights Defenders Center, Association for Human Rights in Ethiopia, and Consortium of Ethiopian Human Rights Organizations. Secondary sources included reports by Ethiopian human right commission and international human right organizations. The data collection method was Key informant interviews. Data analysis technique was thematic analysis. According to this thesis, the commission made progress between 2019 and 2023 after attempting to make reform. However, a significant amount of external assistance was required to make this progress. In light of these findings, the thesis suggests that a team to be established at both government and commission levels to conduct intelligence work in order to determine the source of funding and the manner in which the commission uses the funds. The thesis suggests in order to preserve the independence and integrity of the commission, a comprehensive plan shouldbe put in place by the government and the Commission to raise a competitive budget internallyItem The Contemporary Usa-China Geo-Strategic Rivalry in the Horn of Africa: its Implications to Ethiopia(Addis ababa university, 2025-05-01) Edao Waritu; Yacob Arsano (PhD)This study's main goal was to assess the contemporary geostrategic rivalry between the United States and China in the Horn of Africa and it’s implications to Ethiopia. In line with its objectives, the study established the existence of the rivalry between the USA and China in the HoA. It identified the factors for the super powers rivalry, the importance of Ethiopia to both superpowers; and the implications of the rivalry to Ethiopia in terms of development and security parameters. The study is founded on the power transition, neo-realism and bandwagon theories. A qualitative method of inquiry is used to conduct the study. The data included both primary as well as secondary sources. Key interviews and document analysis were employed to collect the primary and secondary data respectively. Accordingly, the study consisted of 12 key resource persons, two each from the USA embassy, China embassy, AU and IGAD Missions in Ethiopia and four key informant participants from the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, all in Addis Ababa. The data from the interviews were transcribed, coded and themed according to the research questions for comprehensive data analysis. Key Words: Horn of Africa, geo-strategy, rivalry, USA, ChinaItem A Comparative Analysis of Ethiopia’s Multilateral Diplomacy in the Pre- and Post-Brics Admission Periods: Challenges and Opportunities(Addis ababa university, 2024-06-01) Getnet Sisay; Bayuligne Z. Bahru (PhD)Today’s multilateralism is in a deep crisis attributed largely to the lack of readiness on the part of the established system for reform, the increasing complexity of global challenges, and the problem of regulatory scale. Thus, answering the question of how the global South (majority) asserts its interests amid repeated failures to reform global institutions is crucial. As a country from the global South, Ethiopia has been an ardent supporter of a reinvigorated multilateralism through thick and thin. Its multilateral diplomacy is also at a historic juncture as it officially joined BRICS in January 2024. This historic decision has garnered much attention and become contentious. This study thus sought to appraise the challenges and opportunities of Ethiopia’s multilateral diplomacy from 2018-2022; to examine the driving and enabling factors for Ethiopia’s BRICS membership; and to analyze Ethiopia’s multilateral diplomacy in the post-BRICS admission period vis-à-vis the previous period. The study employed a qualitative research design. Data was collected from both primary and secondary sources mainly through interviews, FGD, and document review. The analysis reveals the following findings. First, Ethiopia’s multilateral diplomacy in the first period was a mix of key achievements and challenges. In the period from 2018-2020, Ethiopia succeeded in diplomatic battles. Whereas from 2020-2022, its multilateral diplomacy was ‘challenged’ and preoccupied with mainly the northern conflict. Second, Ethiopia’s foreign policy and economic calculations, BRICS’ openness to accepting new members, having a similar agenda with BRICS on global governance, undue external pressures and other reasons drove Ethiopia to join BRICS. The enabling factors include its rich history of and devotion to multilateralism, being one of the largest diplomatic hubs, the right representative of Africa in terms of economy and demography, and robust historical bilateral relations with BRICS members. Third, comparing Ethiopia’s multilateral diplomacy in the pre- and post-BRICS admission periods, data reveals that BRICS membership is a natural continuation of its longstanding foreign policy and its strong devotion to a polycentric global order which BRICS would be midwifing. Ethiopia's BRICS membership shows its growing 'insertion' into the international community after a downward spiral during its pre-BRICS membership years. Ethiopia displayed defensive diplomacy during the first period, but relatively assertive and offensive diplomacy during the second. Ethiopia’s BRICS membership is not a ‘paradigm shift’ and does not signify a change in its foreign policy. The findings suggest the need to conduct further studies to illustrate the impact of Ethiopia’s BRICS membership on its multilateral diplomacy. Keywords: BRICS | Multilateralism ,Multilateral Diplomacy Multipolarity, Global Governance ArchitectureItem The Role of Infrastructural Connectivity for Boosting Economic Integration in the Horn of Africa(Addis Ababa University, 2025-06-01) Muluken Tariku; Zelalem Tesfay (PhD)This research investigates the roles of infrastructural connectivity in boosting regional integration in the Horn of Africa – a sub-region known for fragile economy, political instability and less viable connectivity. The multifaceted challenges and opportunities observed in the region call for fostering regional integration. Existing studies have investigated the challenges and prospects of regional integration in the Horn of Africa. Nevertheless, there is a gap in the literature as the role of infrastructure connectivity in boosting regional integration is less covered aspect. As such, fresh data that depicts the status of existing infrastructure connectivity along with the implications on regional integrations is a missing link in the thematic area. The study aims to answer, among others, what the status of the current connectivity in the sub-region is; how different factors are affecting regional integration efforts; as well as what types of challenges and opportunities can be identified behind regional integration schemes. The study employed qualitative research approach by gathering up-to-date data from primary and secondary sources. The study demonstrated that the status of cross-border infrastructure in the HoA is characterized by uneven development and critical missing link. Further, the study indicated the main roles of infrastructure connectivity, namely transportation, energy and digital linkage, in enhancing regional integration in the sub-region. The study identified financial bottlenecks, structural problems, political instability as well as reluctant policy harmonization efforts as main challenges that hindered regional integration effort. The study called for further researches on the topic by identifying the social, economic and political challenges of connectivity in the region by assessing the challenges, which each member states in the region face in their intra-regional infrastructure connectivity. Key words: Regional Integration, Infrastructure Connectivity, Horn of Africa, Challenges and OpportunitiesItem Beyond Continental Free Trade area: the Need for a Collective Export Arrangement for African Economies(Addis Ababa University, 2025-01-01) Tadesse Tilaye; Bayuligne Z. Bahru (PhD)The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) represents a historic effort to unify Africa's trade landscape and bolster intra-African trade. However, critical infrastructure deficits and the lack of complementary production structures hinder its potential. This study critiques the prevailing focus on intra-African trade, arguing for a shift toward collective export arrangements to enhance Africa’s competitiveness in global markets. By employing qualitative methodologies, including in-depth interviews with trade experts and a narrative analysis of existing literature, the research identifies systemic inefficiencies and structural challenges undermining Africa's trade performance. Findings reveal that collective export mechanisms, akin to export cartels, can offer an effective alternative to conventional integration strategies. These arrangements would leverage Africa's shared resources, mitigate competitive fragmentation, and strengthen its global bargaining power. The study advocates a paradigm shift in trade policy, emphasizing collaboration over competition and collective export strategies as a pathway to industrial transformation and sustainable economic growth for the continent. Keywords:African trade, collective export, AfCFTA, export cartels, regional integrationItem The Role of United Nations Human Rights Council in Promoting Human Rights in Ethiopia Since 2018(Addis Ababa University, 2024-12-01) Maritu Behonegn; Bayuligne Z. Bahru (PhD)This study has examined the Role of United Nations Human Rights Council in Promoting Human Rights in Ethiopia Since 2018. This study employed a qualitative research methodology. Qualitative research collects the experiences, opinions, and actions of individuals. Semi-structured interviews were utilized to gather data for the qualitative study, which was then interpreted using thematic analysis and intentional and snowball sampling procedures. The study revealed, since 2018, there have been several human rights violations. Through the creation of fact-finding missions and investigations, joint investigative mechanisms, resolutions, and advocacy, the UNHRC steps in to address human rights concerns in Ethiopia. Additionally, advocacy, diplomatic initiatives, and international community mobilization are UNHRC domains that support human rights in Ethiopia. In addition, the Ethiopian government's lack of collaboration, enforcement mechanisms' shortcomings, disappointment, and dissatisfaction are obstacles the UNHRC faces in its efforts to advance human rights. The UNHRC's report on promoting human rights in Ethiopia highlights many problems, including political bias and influence, a lack of international coordination and pressure, a lack of enforcement mechanisms, inconsistent and delayed responses, an excessive reliance on diplomatic engagement and dialogue, and a failure to address systemic issues and root causes. One idea that is overlooked in the research is the promotion of human rights. It is essential to conduct additional research on this matter. As a result, this study creates a chance for additional research. Keywords: Council, Ethiopia, Human Rights, Violations, United NationItem The Bilateral Diplomatic Relation between Ethiopia and Kenya Since2018: Continuities and Challenges(Addis Ababa University, 2024-06-01) Edlawit Yeshewalul; Yonas Ashine (PhD)Bilateral diplomacy is an ancient sort of diplomacy. As the prefix ‘Bi’ indicates, bilateral diplomacy is a diplomatic relation between and among the two states. The bilateral diplomacy is significant since the core area of the relationship is for cooperation and mutual benefit. Ethiopia, the ancient state in the world has had bilateral diplomatic relations with the neighboring countries and beyond. The study attempted to examine Ethiopia and Kenya's bilateral diplomatic relations in the context of continuity and challenges, by anchoring historical relations and tracing internal and external dynamics based on both sides' desire to be the hegemon in the region, with a focus on the period since 2018. Thus, a qualitative research approach with an exploratory design was utilized in this study. Accordingly, the study adopted both primary and secondary sources and, evaluated, examined, and analyzed the sources used in the study. The study identified that the dual relationship between the two countries has had a cooperative and hegemonic rivalry nature since 2018 from both sides and as a result, there are opportunities and challenges regarding the cordial relations between the two countries. Therefore, it is recommended that hegemony is a means to an end. Since there is a sort of dual relation- Ethiopia's cooperative and hegemonic rivalry with Kenya, Ethiopia must aim to establish a balance of power and achieve regional hegemony by employing the English School notion of societal integration, structural realism-offensive and defensive thinking, and idealism-economic development. To challenge regional hegemony, Ethiopia must take pragmatic political, social, and economic measures toward its neighbors, particularly Somalia. Moreover, Ethiopia must acquire internal peace and security to pursue regional power and to have a balanced dual relationship with Kenya. Key Words: Bilateral Diplomacy, Hegemony, Rivalry, Cooperation, Since 2018, Opportunities, ChallengesItem Transboundary River Policy and Governance for Water Conservation and Sustainable Water Use among the Eastern Nile Basin Countries(Addis Ababa University, 2024-05-01) Emiru Gemechu; Yacob Arsano (PhD)This dissertation work aims to explore the need for a transboundary water management policy regime in the Eastern Nile Basin. It attempts to demonstrate the need for new and robust national and regional policy regimes in order to deal with water management challenges that are transboundary in nature. Accordingly, the study sheds light on the need for a policy regime in the Eastern Nile basin, not only because of the inadequacy of the existing water governance regime at the national and regional levels but also because of the new compelling developments such as the commencement of mega projects like GERD. It attempts to clarify the shortcomings of current unilateral water management policies that fail to tackle the challenges of sustainable usage and conservation of the Nile's water resources, as well as the transboundary water management issues. The study employed a qualitative research approach, and data were collected through key informant interviews. Different secondary sources of water issues that are transnational are thoroughly reviewed. The data were analyzed based on thematic analysis methods. The key finding of this research indicates that the existing water resource management policy regimes are inadequate and that there is a clear void in the policy regime hampering sustainable utilization and management of the shared Nile waters among riparian countries. The research finally suggests pathways for replacing the existing Nile water management policy regimes and for establishing comprehensive sub-basin policy regimes in the Eastern Nile Basin. A new pathway should satisfy the water needs of the ever-increasing populations and the ever-expanding development requirements in each riparian country through collaboration that enables the countries to deal with the common challenges that are otherwise difficult to address. Keywords: Eastern Nile Basin; Water conservation; transboundary water management policy regime; Water use; Water governanceItem The Dilemma of Hydropower Development in Post-1991 Ethiopia: Drivers, Challenges and Geopolitical Implications(Addis Ababa University, 2024-11-01) Gashaw Ayferam; Yacob Arsano (Dr.)This study examines the drivers, challenges, and geopolitical implications of hydropower development in Ethiopia since 1991. The study argues that hydropower development, which was driven by its potential to achieve development and political goals at various levels simultaneously, has boomed in the post-1991 period. As a result, Ethiopia has been repositioned as a hydropower rising state and a regional power hub, while also becoming hydro-dependent. However, the hydropower boom has encountered opposition from multiple actors' competing water, energy, food, and environment security interests and faced challenges stemming from the siloed approach to hydropower development and the nature of it. This poses a complex challenge: how to balance the competing interests of multiple actors, the benefits and burdens of hydropower development, managing reliance on hydropower and its vulnerability to climate change, cooperation and conflict, while meeting local, national, and regional energy needs. Theoretically, the study is broadly grounded in the nexus approach and complex interdependence perspectives. Furthermore, the study adopts a national-regional-global framework as the level of analysis to better understand the interplay between national, regional, and global factors shaping hydropower development. Methodologically, a qualitative research approach is used with data collected from 57 purposively selected informants, various documents, online datasets, and secondary sources. The study finds that Ethiopia underwent a radical wave of hydropower development from the early development period (1912-1960), passing through the decade of rapid changes (1960-1974) and stagnation period (1974-2000) and entering into the new era of hydropower development (post-2000). This hydropower development rise and decline has a strong correlation with domestic political landscapes: When political stability and security prevail, hydropower booms, whereas when instability and conflict dominate, hydropower stagnates. In addition, the hydropower development waves identified also go parallel with the global hydropower development waves (the 1900-1970 hydraulic era, the 1970-2000 stagnation and decline period, and the post-2000 hydro booming and restoration period). The study reveals that in the post-1991 period, Ethiopia entered a new hydropower era characterized by a boom in hydropower development that repositions it as 'a rising hydropower state' while simultaneously being a 'hydro dependent state'. The boom in hydropower development is attributed to the convergence and mutually reinforcing interplay between internal enablers and drivers for hydropower development, coupled with overlapping regional and global factors that have further encouraged and enabled its continued growth. The study also discloses that, hydropower development is a centralized and top-down process, characterized by discontent between the hydraulic bureaucracy and political decision-makers on the one hand, and among the various sectors/water users on the other hand. The study identifies major hurdles that hindered the hydropower development landscape of the post-1991 period. These challenges arise from the transboundary nature of water resources, financial constraints, limited private sector investment, vulnerability to climatic factors, project delays and long lead times, political instability and insecurity, limited cross-sectoral coordination in hydropower operations, multilayered contestation and conflict, dam safety and sustainability concerns, weak IX institutional coordination both vertically and horizontally, imbalanced distribution of benefits and burdens from hydropower projects, siloed environmental and social impact assessments, and fragmented hydropower development planning and decision making. The study also shows that the geopolitical implications of hydropower development range from its geostrategic opportunities such as repositioning Ethiopia as a battery of the region and clean energy power hub, and its sources of foreign currency earnings, soft power, and ideational power and serves for the region as a source of emancipation and a catalyst of energy-led regional integration. Despite its transformative potential, it has simultaneously ignited a complex web of hydropolitical tensions and rivalries. Finally, the study calls for the need to shift the hydropower development approach from the business-as-usual model, which is rooted in siloed thinking, to a nexus approach that considers the synergy and trade-offs among the interconnected sectors of water security, energy security, food security, and environmental security, as well as the interests of multiple water users. It also calls for the need to develop a national energy security strategy and integrated power master plan that takes nexus thinking. These changes will contribute to the resolution of the problems while reinforcing the geo-transformative potential of hydropower in creating an interdependent grid interconnected community and region of energy peace domestically and regionally. Keywords: Ethiopia, Hydropower, Hydropower Development, Driver, Challenge, GeopoliticsItem A Critical Exploration of Compliance with International Humanitarian Law in the Northern Ethiopian Armed Conflict (2020-2022)(Addis Ababa University, 2024-05-01) Hanna Teshome; Solomon Mebrie (Dr.)Compliance with international humanitarian law (IHL) has been subject to heightened examination, emphasizing the impact of armed conflicts and the challenge of implementing the legal principles of action. Despite the mechanisms of compliance under the law, the effectiveness of protecting civilians and their property requires careful evaluation in light of continuous violations of the law. The study critically examines compliance with IHL in northern Ethiopia’s armed conflict (2020-2022) to understand the compliance challenges, given the reported humanitarian consequences. To accomplish this task, a qualitative approach is utilized, involving semi-structured interview with engaged individuals from relevant institutions to investigate the challenges to compliance. Humanitarian investigative reports were reviewed to include violations of the laws of armed conflicts and the overall toll on civilians. Interviews were conducted to probe the challenges to compliance with engaged individuals. The study has revealed an evolved character of warfare and a lapse in compliance mechanisms employed under IHL. The categorization of the conflict affects IHL and international law obligations. Ethnic rivalry was a factor in noncompliance. It has determined the challenges of emotional factors influencing fighters, such as anger and resentment. The role of humanitarian work has grappled with considerable security risks. The study emphasized that discontents have the potential to initiate violence among communities. It suggests the need for a neutral body for justice, addressing community grievances, and establishing deterrence mechanisms through political dialogue and peaceful negotiationsItem The Challenges of International Humanitarian Support of Unhcr for Internally Displaced Persons in Ethiopia Since 2018: a Case of Debre Berhan Town(Addis Ababa University, 2024-11-01) Mechal Tamrat; Solomon Mebrie (PhD)This study investigates the nature and effectiveness of UNHCR’s humanitarian support to internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Ethiopia since 2018. The study was conducted on the Amhara Regional State, North Shewa Zone, specifically the Debre Berhan China and Woynishet IDP camps. Through a qualitative method approach, employing key informant interviews, focus group discussions, and document analysis, was utilized to explore UNHCR’s role in providing immediate relief, protection, and durable solutions. The findings revealed that while UNHCR’s humanitarian response adhered to international norms and principles, challenges persisted in stakeholder engagement, coordination, and the implementation of long-term solutions. The humanitarian support often failed to address the root causes of displacement or provide durable solutions, leaving IDPs vulnerable to continued hardship. To enhance the effectiveness and sustainability of humanitarian assistance for IDPs in Ethiopia, recommendations include developing comprehensive implementation strategies, strengthening partnerships, prioritizing durable solutions, and advocating for increased and flexible funding to address the underlying drivers of displacement. Key words Durable solutions, Effectiveness, Humanitarian support, Internally Displaced Persons, and United Nation High Commissioner for RefugeesItem The Relationship Between Ethiopia and Sudan: The Case of GERD (2011-2023)(Addis Ababa University, 2013-12-01) Mntesnot Esayas; Yacob Arsano (PhD)This paper is about the Case of GERD in the relationship between Ethiopia and Sudan from 2011 to 2023. Following the historical commencement of the Project in 2011, it significantly changed the historical relationship between the upstream and downstream and also became the center of the relationship between Ethiopia and Sudan. Carefully following a series of events and negotiations, starting from 2011, analyzing its impact on the relationship between Ethiopia and Sudan is thoroughly undertaken. In the course of this research, qualitative research methods and exploratory research methodology are employed. Primary and Secondary data collection methods are employed, and through unstructured interviewswith experts and officials from different government institutions and individuals, primary data are collected. These transformations are mainly continuing the counter-hegemonic struggles that began before the inauguration of GERD, and for the first time in history, the downstream countries are compelled to discuss the dam by Ethiopia’s agenda of using the water resource. Additionally, Sudan shifted its position throughout the negotiation, one time supporting Ethiopia and another time against Ethiopia. This further complicates the negotiation process. Coupled with internal political problems, border issues, and geopolitical contention in the region, Sudan shifted its position to gain political and economic support, but this hampers the relationship with Ethiopia and the negotiation process. There was a change of leadership in both countries, contrary to what was expected, and this became a problem as the Sudan military leaders took the Egyptian side. With the filling of the dam going, Sudan pushesnegotiations to gain a bargain for the future dam operation. This research paper could be a spring board for future research on the area as the case is still ongoing, and also, policy and consultants for deep analysis on the subject.Item Ethio-Sudan Border Conflict since 2018: Implications for Ethiopia(Addis Ababa University, 2024-03-13) Nigus Alemu; Zelalem Tesfay (PhD)This study aims to analyze the Ethio-Sudan border conflicts and its impacts on Ethiopia, since 2018. Particularly, it focuses on reviewing conceptual and theoretical aspects of conflict, identifying main causes, and assessing internal and external factors contributing to escalation. Utilizing a qualitative research methodology, semi-structured interviews were conducted with key informants from various government institutions, research centers, and political entities. Additionally, document analysis of publications and media sources related to the issue was employed. The research findings showed that the internal chaos in Ethiopia, particularly the Federal government and the TPLF conflict, exacerbates the border dispute, with Sudan leveraging Ethiopia's internal challenges to assert territorial claims. Historical disputes rooted in colonial-era treaties complicate the situation. The conflict is shaped by domestic political landscapes, with Sudan using the border issue to divert attention. Involvement of business elites, military figures, and external factors heightens tensions over the Al-Fashaga region. Economically, the conflict disrupts trade, transport, and essential links with Sudan, impacting market losses and essential imports, exacerbating economic distress. The displacement of Ethiopian farmers strains sesame production, aggravating economic challenges. The conflict's broader impacts on tourism, foreign investment, and economic stability emphasize the urgent need for resolution. Politically, stressed relations affect collaborative efforts such as GERD negotiations, emphasizing the importance of strong governance and diplomatic tact. Regionally and internationally, the conflict challenges continental organizations, complicating international relations. Security-wise, the conflict extends beyond territorial disputes to include weapon trafficking, potential terrorist activities, and historical ties to rebel groups, raising concerns about regional stability and humanitarian crises. The conflict's implications for GERD negotiations reveal a complex interplay of geopolitical and economic dynamics, stressing how Sudan's territorial claims could indirectly influence its stance on the dam. This study offers valuable insights for policymakers, researchers, and stakeholders seeking a deeper understanding of the Ethio-Sudan border conflict and its multifaceted impact on Ethiopia. Additionally, it emphasizes the necessity for further research to explore potential avenues for conflict resolution and sustainable peace-building strategies in the region. Key words; Border, Conflict, Economic, Political, Security and GERDItem Israel-Palestine Conflict and Factors that Impacted Arab League Policy Towards the Conflict Resolution, 2017-2023(Addis Ababa University, 2024-03-01) Rania Mohammed; Bayuligne Zemedeagengehu (Dr.)This academic research examined the factors that impacted the effectiveness of Arab League's policy towards resolving the Israel-Palestine conflict from 2017 to 2023. Utilizing qualitative research methods, primary and secondary data were meticulously gathered and analyzed. Purposive sampling was employed to select key informants for in-depth interviews, providing valuable insights into the League's multifaceted approach. Through a meticulous blend of thematic and content analysis, this study evaluated the League's actions and their tangible impact on conflict resolution efforts. The findings revealed a nuanced landscape where the effectiveness of the Arab League's policy remained a topic of ongoing debate. Over time, the League's approach evolved in response to changing regional dynamics, international relations, and internal Arab politics. The study underscored how external factors, such as US vetoes and UNSC bias, hindered peace efforts by obstructing the adoption of resolutions aligned with the League's stance, thereby testing its influence on international outcomes. Acknowledging the League's enforcement limitations, similar to other international bodies, the study highlighted challenges in implementing its policies towards the Israel-Palestine conflict. Nonetheless, it emphasized that this limitation was systemic, affecting all international organizations involved in conflict resolution. Conclusively, the study refrained from categorizing the League's effectiveness as either fully effective or ineffective, acknowledging the complexity of its role. Implications of this research extend to informing policymakers and stakeholders engaged in regional conflict resolution, suggesting potential adjustments to diplomatic strategies and enhanced cooperation among international bodies. This research contributed to the understanding of the complexities surrounding the Israel-Palestine conflict and highlighted the need for further examination of external influences on regional conflict resolution efforts. Key Words: Arab League, Conflict Resolution, Israel-Palestine conflict, Middle East, PeaceItem The Role of Shuttle Diplomacy in the Cessation of Hostilities Between the Government of Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia and Tigray Peoples Libration Front in the North Ethiopian Conflict: from 2020-2022(Addis Ababa University, 2024-06-01) Kirubel Tsige; Demeke Achiso (PhD)This study explains how shuttle diplomacy employed by the African Union and the United States has contributed to bringing the federal government and TPLF to the negotiation table, where the permanent cessation of hostility was reached in Pretoria, South Africa. The study employed a qualitative research approach and used key informant interviews and digital ethnography as instruments of data collection. According to the findings of the study, Ethiopia experienced a devastating conflict from 2020 to 2022 that was deeply rooted in post-2018 post-reform period developments like power rivalry, isolation of the TPLF in the new administration, the Ethiopian-Eritrea rapprochement, dismantling of the EPRDF, creation of the Prosperity Party, and the extension of the sixth general election. The aggregate of frustration and mistrust led to the November 3, 2020, preemptive attack of TPLF forces against ENDF, which marked the beginning of the conflict. Since this time, the African Union and the United States have been involved in resolving the conflict through a shuttle diplomacy approach. This approach was able to mobilize diplomatic efforts, abide by the non-intervention principle, and establish a robust platform for direct talks. However, intensive engagements in shuttle between Addis Ababa and Mekelle, the perception of impartiality, the rapid development of the battlefield and opportunistic behavior of parties, the multi-task mandates of envoys, and the swift change of US envoys to the region prevent success. Therefore, the study concludes that shuttle diplomacy, designed to address the North Ethiopian conflict, has not significantly contributed to the permanent cessation of hostility agreements. Key Words: Shuttle diplomacy, Cessation of Hostility, Ceasefires, African Union, United States