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Item The Dynamics of Pan-Ethiopianist and Ethno-Centric Political Elites Contradiction and Transition to Democracy in Ethiopia since 1991(Addis Abeba Universty, 2025-04-01) Yalelet Gashaw; Yonas AshnieThe politics of transition to democracy in Ethiopia between 1991 and 2024 has been marked by the interplay of two competing ideological frameworks: Pan-Ethiopianism and ethno-centric nationalism. This thesis explores the contradictions between these ideologies, their impact on political elites, and the challenges they pose to transition of the country’s politics. The paper has empirically examined the nature of elite political contestation and its implication on the contemporary political transition in Ethiopia. Specifically, the study comparatively analyzes the nature of elite contradiction from historical and ideological point of view, explored the nature of elite contradiction and power struggle and examined the impact of those elite contradictions on transition to democracy in Ethiopia.Theoretical literature reveals that contestation between the elites in terms of ethnicity, history, ideology and symbol politics hinder the democratic transition in the country. The study has employed the qualitative comparative exploratory research approach to address the research questions that deal with pan-Ethiopianist and Ethno-nationalist elite’s contradiction and the possibility of democratic Transition in Ethiopia under the study period. Primary data is collected from purposely selected key informants and first hand documents. Secondary data is collected from plethora of written documents available on internet and AAU Kennedy library. Thematic discourse analysis method is used to analyse the collected data. The study shows that pan-ethiopianist and ethno-centric group of elites in Ethiopia have their own ideological and historical roots. Secondly the two elites contradict each other in a number of agendas including Ethiopian history, national symbol politics, constitutional making, nation building, the federal structure and power sharing. Then the research reveals that though pan-ethiopianist and ethno-nationalist group of Ethiopian elites tactically collaborated to cause leadership change within EPRDF regime, strategic cooperation and bargaining is a never possible development because of division, polarization, war political culture, politically motivated killings, political instability, fragile democratic institutions, constitutional crisis and gripe of power among others. Hence, the contemporary political ecology of the country is not conducive to transition to democracy given extreme ideological difference between elites. Therefore, reconfiguration of the national politics and inclusive political bargaining on critical national agenda are paramount important as far as Ethiopia as a nation state is concerned.Item Analyzing the cyber Security and its Capacity Barriers to Ethiopia's Cyber Sovereignty(Addis Abeba Universty, 2025-06-01) Tsion Genene; Fekade TerefeEthiopia's ability to secure its cyberspace is essential to its strategic pursuit of opportunities in the digital world because, in addition to endangering national sovereignty, a lack of cyber protection will also jeopardize the enormous potential that comes with digital engagement .This study analyze Ethiopia's vulnerabilities to cybersecurity and how they can affect the state sovereignty. Employing a qualitative research approach, the study draws on data from key informant interviews and existing literature. The finding highlighted that Ethiopia's increasing dependence on the digital realm poses a direct challenge to its national sovereignty, largely due to a fragile cybersecurity framework stemming from obsolete technology, insufficient skilled personnel, and inadequate inter-agency collaboration. The nation's weaknesses go beyond simple data breaches, encompassing threats to essential infrastructure and the potential for foreign interference. The study concludes that in order to safeguard its digital future, Ethiopia must promptly implement a strategic and all-encompassing approach, which includes enforcing a national cybersecurity policy, investing in technological advancements and public awareness initiatives, and enhancing its international collaborations to address global cyber threats.Item The Politics of Foreign aid in Ethiopia and its Implications on Human Rights and Democracy: the Case of United States Since 1991(Addis Abeba Universty, 2023-10-01) Tsedal Andualem; Firehiwot SintayehuSince 1990 donors, particularly the USA and World Bank have started increasingly to focus on political conditions for providing aid. Basically, human rights performance and democratization were formally brought into the program of negotiations with recipient countries. This research aimed to analyze the politics of foreign aid in Ethiopia and its implications on democracy and human rights: the case of United States aid since 1991. The paper looked at the link between foreign aid and Ethiopia’s government, political, and diplomatic dynamics and implications. The findings of this research demonstrated that the US democracy aid has little/no implication on governmental transitions to democratization, multiparty system, and HR promotion in Ethiopia since the1991, and continued throughout 2000’s and the study also founded a contradictory results on the allocation, flow, aim, and implication of US aid in Ethiopia. The research further analyses the Ethio- US bilateral relations focusing on the issue of democracy, human rights, and good governance (DRG) assistance and its implications in the aftermath of the establishment of the transitional government of Ethiopia in 1991. The study provides an extensive analysis of the US foreign policy towards human rights and democracy and political conditionality and the US’s suspension of assistance to Ethiopia, its objective, and its impact on the economic, political, and humanitarian aspects of Ethiopia.Item Sierra Leone’s Foreign Policy to ECOWAS from 2018-2022(Addis Abeba Universty, 2025-05-01) Patricia Ansumana; Yonas AshineSierra Leone is one of the member states of ECOWAS. ECOWAS has a broad mandate encompassing economic, political and security cooperation,making it a more holistic and integrated regional body. It also has a strong emphasis on conflict prevention and resolution, deploying peacekeeping forces (ECOMOG) and mediating disputes among member states. This proactive approach to maintaining peace and security sets it apart from some regional organizations that primarily react to conflicts after they erupt. This research critically appraises Sierra Leone's foreign policy toward ECOWAS between 2018 and 2022. The study aims to evaluate the effectiveness, coherence, and contribution of Sierra Leone's engagement with ECOWAS in achieving both national and regional goals during this period. Specifically, this study aims to achieve three interrelated objectives: the first one is evolution of Sierra Leone's foreign policy towards ECOWAS in recent years. Secondly, assess the key domestic and international factors shaping Sierra Leone's engagement with ECOWAS since 2018. Thirdly, the paper discusses the effectiveness of Sierra Leone's foreign policy in achieving its national interests through ECOWAS.The study employs a qualitative research design, and methodology involved (both primary and secondary data collection methods, e.g., analysis of policy documents, interviews with key officials, and review of relevant literature). The study reveals that Sierra Leone's foreign policy significantly influences its national interests, prioritizing security, and promoting regional cooperation to convert ECOWAS engagement into economic benefits. The analysis was validated applied theories like Liberalism, Realism, constructivism, and rational theory. The study Recommend that strengthening Sierra Leone's ECOWAS engagement include enhancing domestic coordination mechanisms, or prioritizing capacity building in key sectors. The research contributes to a deeper understanding of Sierra Leone's foreign policy choices and their implications for regional integration and development within ECOWAS.Item Tourism as a Tool for Public Diplomacy: the Case of Addis Ababa Since 2018(Addis Abeba Universty, 2025-05-01) Temesgen Mariye; Firehiwot SintayehuAdopting a soft power and constructivist theoretical framework, this article examines how tourism has been employed as a tool of public diplomacy in Addis Ababa since 2018. To collect relevant data, the study employed a qualitative research methodology. Primary data was gathered through key informant interviews with officials from the Ministry of Tourism, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Local communities and the Addis Ababa City Administration. In addition, relevant policy documents and academic literature were analyzed as secondary sources. The analysis supports the theoretical assumption that tourism, when strategically developed and framed, can serve as an effective mechanism for state image-building and foreign engagement. The study finds that flagship projects and initiatives such as Unity Park, Friendship Park, Entoto Park, the Adwa Victory Memorial and MICE Tourism by the Government are actively curated to communicate Ethiopia’s historical narrative, development agenda, and regional solidarity. Nonetheless, the findings also suggest that political instability, institutional fragmentation, and the absence of a unified tourist policy hinder the efficacy of tourism diplomacy. Furthermore, the analysis reveals a disparity between the symbolic representation of national advancement and the fundamental governance issues that hinder sustained influence. Consequently, although tourism possesses significant potential as a soft power tool, its efficacy is contingent upon political stability, strategy alignment, and inclusive executionItem Post-2018 Ethiopia-Turkiye Political and Economic Relations: Challenges and Opportunities(Addis Abeba Universty, 2025-01-01) Netsanet Lire; Fekade TerefeThe period since 2018 marks a significant transformation in Ethiopia Turkiye diplomatic relations, characterized by enhanced political, security, and economic cooperation. Focusing especially on political engagement, military and security cooperation, and economic ties, this study looks at the development of bilateral relations between Ethiopia and Turkiye since 2018. Using a qualitative research methodology, the study makes use of official records, government reports, key informant interviews, and body of current literature. The results show that Ethiopia's political change under Dr. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has helped to boost diplomatic interactions, strengthen security alliances, and raise Turkish investments in sectors including manufacturing, textiles, and infrastructure. Despite this increase, challenges still exist including Ethiopia's increasing trade deficit and policies influencing bilateral economic cooperation. According to the study, Ethiopia Turkiye relations have significantly improved since 2018 and present great possibilities for ongoing cooperation provided economic and legal challenges can be properly addressed.Item The Role of Infrastructural Connectivity for Boosting Economic Integration in the Horn of Africa(Addis Abeba Universty, 2025-06-01) Muluken Tariku; Zelalem TesfayThis research investigates the roles of infrastructural connectivity in boosting regional integration in the Horn of Africa – a sub-region known for fragile economy, political instability and less viable connectivity. The multifaceted challenges and opportunities observed in the region call for fostering regional integration. Existing studies have investigated the challenges and prospects of regional integration in the Horn of Africa. Nevertheless, there is a gap in the literature as the role of infrastructure connectivity in boosting regional integration is less covered aspect. As such, fresh data that depicts the status of existing infrastructure connectivity along with the implications on regional integrations is a missing link in the thematic area. The study aims to answer, among others, what the status of the current connectivity in the sub-region is; how different factors are affecting regional integration efforts; as well as what types of challenges and opportunities can be identified behind regional integration schemes. The study employed qualitative research approach by gathering up-to-date data from primary and secondary sources. The study demonstrated that the status of cross-border infrastructure in the HoA is characterized by uneven development and critical missing link. Further, the study indicated the main roles of infrastructure connectivity, namely transportation, energy and digital linkage, in enhancing regional integration in the sub-region. The study identified financial bottlenecks, structural problems, political instability as well as reluctant policy harmonization efforts as main challenges that hindered regional integration effort. The study called for further researches on the topic by identifying the social, economic and political challenges of connectivity in the region by assessing the challenges, which each member states in the region face in their intra-regional infrastructure connectivity.Item The Political Economy of Transitional Economic Policies in Ethiopia: A comparative Analysis of the Preand Post-2018 Transition Episodes(Addis Abeba Universty, 2024-06-01) Awoke Dagnew; Asnake KefaleThis thesis investigates the political economy of transitional economic policies in Ethiopia during the post-1991 and post-2018 periods. Employing a qualitative research approach and drawing on primary and secondary data sources, the study analyzes the features, challenges, and underlying motivations of economic policies enacted during these pivotal junctures. Primary data were collected through interviews with key informants, while secondary data were gathered by examining published and unpublished materials. Through case-based thematic analysis, the research uncovers the complex interplay between political shifts and economic policy-making processes, shedding light on how transitional policies are formulated, implemented, and their impact on socioeconomic and political dynamics. The study contends that transition period economic policies often demonstrate covert political agendas rather than solely economic objectives. Introducing new economic policies during transitions primarily serves political ends, often leading to reversals without achieving the desired outcomes. Findings reveal broader insights into the major features, repercussions, and internal and external challenges of economic policy of the transition period and homegrown economic reform policy. It also provides additional insights into the motivations driving actors in crafting transitional economic policies, as well as the policy dynamics among major economic partners and the dynamics of production and ownership during these periods, and the broader implications for Ethiopia's economic development trajectory. By examining historical practices and contemporary trends, this thesis contributes to a deeper understanding of the political economy dynamics surrounding economic policy during political transitions, offering valuable perspectives for policymakers, researchers, and professionals.Item Ethiopia’s Domestic Political Dynamics: Implications on the Horn of Africa Politics(Addis Abeba Universty, 2025-06-01) Abel Gisila; Yonas AshineBased on a neoclassical realist theoretical framework, the principal objective of this study is investigating and examining how and when Ethiopia’s domestic political dynamics affect the Horn of Africa’s politics. To collect relevant data, the study has employed qualitative research methodology. Key informant interviews with scholars, specialized on Ethiopia’s domestic politics and the Horn affairs, have utilized to collect primary data. Besides, available literatures that are closer to the thematic area of study have also included and analyzed as a secondary source of data. Analysis of the data validates the assertion of neoclassical realists on nexus between international/regional politics and internal political dynamics of states. The study finds that in the Horn of Africa modern political history, the most devastating inter-state conflicts occurred due to Ethiopia’s domestic political insecurity. Through neoclassical realists’ assertion, Ethiopia’s domestic politics determine the likelihood of inter-state war, the level of proliferation of proxy’s and possibility of filling/creating leadership vacuum in the horn aligning with the theory of hegemonic stability. In addition, the study identifies inverse relationship between the occurrences of interstate war and proxies in the horn, and Ethiopia’s domestic political security. Moreover, the study finds a continuity and similarity on the regional implication of post-2018 Ethiopia’s political unrest.Item Sierra Leone’s Foreign Policy to ECOWAS from 2018-2022(Addis Ababa University, 2025-05-01) Patricia Ansumana; YonasAshine (PhD)Sierra Leone is one of the member states of ECOWAS. ECOWAS has a broad mandate encompassing economic, political and security cooperation,making it a more holistic and integrated regional body. It also has a strong emphasis on conflict prevention and resolution, deploying peacekeeping forces (ECOMOG) and mediating disputes among member states. This proactive approach to maintaining peace and security sets it apart from some regional organizations that primarily react to conflicts after they erupt. This research critically appraises Sierra Leone's foreign policy toward ECOWAS between 2018 and 2022. The study aims to evaluate the effectiveness, coherence, and contribution of Sierra Leone's engagement with ECOWAS in achieving both national and regional goals during this period. Specifically, this study aims to achieve three interrelated objectives: the first one is evolution of Sierra Leone's foreign policy towards ECOWAS in recent years. Secondly, assess the key domestic and international factors shaping Sierra Leone's engagement with ECOWAS since 2018. Thirdly, the paper discusses the effectiveness of Sierra Leone's foreign policy in achieving its national interests through ECOWAS.The study employs a qualitative research design, and methodology involved (both primary and secondary data collection methods, e.g., analysis of policy documents, interviews with key officials, and review of relevant literature). The study reveals that Sierra Leone's foreign policy significantly influences its national interests, prioritizing security, and promoting regional cooperation to convert ECOWAS engagement into economic benefits. The analysis was validated applied theories like Liberalism, Realism, constructivism, and rational theory. The study Recommend that strengthening Sierra Leone's ECOWAS engagement include enhancing domestic coordination mechanisms, or prioritizing capacity building in key sectors. The research contributes to a deeper understanding of Sierra Leone's foreign policy choices and their implications for regional integration and development within ECOWAS. Keywords: Sierra Leone, ECOWAS, Foreign Policy, and Regional IntegrationItem Tourism as a tool for Public Diplomacy: the Case of Addis Ababa Since 2018(Addis Ababa University, 2025-05-01) Temesgen Mariye; Firehiwot Sintayehu (PhD)Adopting a soft power and constructivist theoretical framework, this article examines how tourism has been employed as a tool of public diplomacy in Addis Ababa since 2018. To collect relevant data, the study employed a qualitative research methodology. Primary data was gathered through key informant interviews with officials from the Ministry of Tourism, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Local communities and the Addis Ababa City Administration. In addition, relevant policy documents and academic literature were analyzed as secondary sources. The analysis supports the theoretical assumption that tourism, when strategically developed and framed, can serve as an effective mechanism for state image-building and foreign engagement. The study finds that flagship projects and initiatives such as Unity Park, Friendship Park, Entoto Park, the Adwa Victory Memorial and MICE Tourism by the Government are actively curated to communicate Ethiopia’s historical narrative, development agenda, and regional solidarity. Nonetheless, the findings also suggest that political instability, institutional fragmentation, and the absence of a unified tourist policy hinder the efficacy of tourism diplomacy. Furthermore, the analysis reveals a disparity between the symbolic representation of national advancement and the fundamental governance issues that hinder sustained influence. Consequently, although tourism possesses significant potential as a soft power tool, its efficacy is contingent upon political stability, strategy alignment, and inclusive execution Keywords: Tourism Diplomacy, Soft Power, Public Diplomacy, Nation Branding, Foreign PolicyItem Ethiopia’s Peace Cooperation and Maritime Diplomacy with Maritime Neighboring Countries since 2018: Successes and Challenges(Addis Ababa University, 2021-11-01) Tesfaye Tola; Hussein Jemma (PhD)This research aims at examining whether Ethiopia’s Peace Cooperation and Maritime Diplomacy with maritime neighboring countries mainly with Eritrea since 2018 satisfy Ethiopia's need to get the right to access the sea through Eritrea ports that serve both for commercial and military activities, and the reason why land-locked Ethiopia needs to build a navy and where Ethiopian navy will be based. The field data were collected through key informant interviews and Main findings of the study include, Ethiopia and Eritrea able to end the period of ‘no peace no war’ after the leaders of the two countries signed peace deal agreements in 2018. But, Ethiopia did not begin to use Eritrean ports both for economic and military activities. The reasons for the lack of official execution of the agreement signed to implement the boundary decision has not been executed due to internal conflict in Ethiopia, Ethiopia and Eritrea did not sign a package agreement that consists of port utilization protocols, and Eritrean ports are also lacking infrastructures. The study also found out that Ethiopia re-established its navy by Proclamation No. 1100/2019, to protect Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, to protect Ethiopian cargo ships, and to protect Ethiopian national interest in the Horn African maritime region. Yet, Ethiopia did not sign a single treaty with any maritime countries that help Ethiopia to get an operational naval base. Therefore, Ethiopia’s peace cooperation and maritime diplomacy made with Eritrea since 2018 did not satisfy Ethiopia's need to get access to the sea through Eritrea ports, which serve Ethiopia both for its economic and military objectives yet. Also, the base of the new Ethiopian navy is still unknown. This implies that Ethiopia needs to work hard to avoid all the challenges that impede its Peace Cooperation and Maritime diplomacy, and to make every possible effort to achieve the objective to get sea access through the maritime domain of Eritrea that would serve Ethiopia both for commercial and military purpose.Item Foreign Policy Approaches of China and U.S.A. towards Ethiopia Since 2018: a Comparative Analysis(Addis Ababa University, 2024-06-01) Yohannes Gebeyehu; Yacob Arsano (PhD)The foreign policy interests of China and U.S.A. towards Ethiopia have been anchored on geo strategic interests. Despite having similar strategic interests in Ethiopia, China and the U.S. pursued different foreign policy approaches towards Ethiopia. What accounts for the divergence of the approaches was not explored very well. Therefore, this study aimed at explaining the divergence in foreign policy approaches of China and U.S.A. towards Ethiopia since 2018. A qualitative methodology, a comparative method of research, thematic and content analysis are utilized as part of the research design in this study. Primary sources including personal interviews, policy documents, official reports, speeches of leaders, and secondary sources of data are analyzed using the tools of foreign policy and international relations theories. The analysis revealed that China pursues an approach of detachment to deal with internal conflict, non interference in domestic affairs, state centric approach in its engagement, developmentalist approach in the administration of foreign development assistance and high regard for Westphalian conception of state sovereignty. In contrast, the US pursued a policy of humanitarian intervention in its response to domestic conflicts, unilateral realism in its response to emergency, safety-net approach in the administration of humanitarian aid, the state-in-society approach in its engagement, and coercive power in enforcing its desire. The result indicated that the divergence of the foreign policy approaches of China and U.S.A. mainly resulted from differences in political culture, foreign policy priorities, role conception in the international system, historical experiences, self-image, strategic rivalry, differences in foreign policy decision making mechanisms and Ethiopia’s behavior. Keywords: foreign policy approach/behavior, U.S. foreign policy towards Ethiopia, Chinese foreign policy towards Ethiopia, comparative foreign policy approachItem A Study of the Practice of Public Diplomacy at American Corners in Ethiopia amid Diplomatic Tensions during the Northern Conflict(Addis Ababa University, 2025-06-01) Yohannes Gezahegn; Demeke Achiso (PhD)This study examined American Corners in Ethiopia as public diplomacy platforms during the northern conflict (2020–2022), a period of conflict and strained U.S.–Ethiopia relations. It explored the impact of the conflict on American Corner operations, strategies used to sustain programming, and the role of U.S. hard power in shaping soft power practices. Using qualitative design, the research drew on unstructured interviews with Corner coordinators, staff and supervisors. Thematic analysis revealed disruptions, particularly in Tigray where the Mekelle Corner was forced to shut down, while others adapted through digital tools and revised programming. Regardless of some hostile attitudes towards the U.S. over its perceived handling of the crisis, the American Corners in the country retained their credibility due to their non political, community-focused identity. There were no reports of whether physical or any other forms of attack against staff or facilities run by the Embassy. The study concluded that American Corners remained neutral, accessible spaces and vital instruments of U.S. public diplomacy under crisis, recommending continued support for such platforms in fragile contexts. Keywords: Northern Conflict, United States, Public Diplomacy, American CornersItem The Politics of Foreign Aid in Ethiopia and Its Implications on Human Rights and Democracy: The Case of United States Since 1991(Addis Ababa University, 2023-10-01) Tsedal Andualem; Firehiwot Sintayeh (PhD)Since 1990 donors, particularly the USA and World Bank have started increasingly to focus on political conditions for providing aid. Basically, human rights performance and democratization were formally brought into the program of negotiations with recipient countries. This research aimed to analyze the politics of foreign aid in Ethiopia and its implications on democracy and human rights: the case of United States aid since 1991. The paper looked at the link between foreign aid and Ethiopia’s government, political, and diplomatic dynamics and implications. The findings of this research demonstrated that the US democracy aid has little/no implication on governmental transitions to democratization, multiparty system, and HR promotion in Ethiopia since the1991, and continued throughout 2000’s and the study also founded a contradictory results on the allocation, flow, aim, and implication of US aid in Ethiopia. The research further analyses the Ethio- US bilateral relations focusing on the issue of democracy, human rights, and good governance (DRG) assistance and its implications in the aftermath of the establishment of the transitional government of Ethiopia in 1991. The study provides an extensive analysis of the US foreign policy towards human rights and democracy and political conditionality and the US’s suspension of assistance to Ethiopia, its objective, and its impact on the economic, political, and humanitarian aspects of Ethiopia. Keywords: Politics of Foreign Aid, Democracy and Human rights, Aid ConditionalityItem The Implication of External Support for Ethiopian Human Right Commission (2019-2023)(Addis ababa university, 2024-11-01) Abraham Abera; Solomon Mebrie (PhD)The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission was established for the purpose of promoting and protecting human rights in Ethiopia. Therefore, the purpose of this thesis is to evaluate the impact of external support on the performance of Ethiopian Human Right Commission. In order to do this, the thesis examines the commission's history since it went into force, the effectiveness of the commission's mandate and powers, accessibility, independence, operational efficiency, accountability, collaboration with international organizations, other human rights institutions, and civil society is reassessed in general in the thesis. The thesis analyzed primary and secondary sources using qualitative research approach. The primary sources included Commission’s founding proclamation, the 1993 Paris principles, interview with Commission’spartnership officer. On the other hand, interview conducted with important members of the Ethiopian Human Rights Defenders Center, Association for Human Rights in Ethiopia, and Consortium of Ethiopian Human Rights Organizations. Secondary sources included reports by Ethiopian human right commission and international human right organizations. The data collection method was Key informant interviews. Data analysis technique was thematic analysis. According to this thesis, the commission made progress between 2019 and 2023 after attempting to make reform. However, a significant amount of external assistance was required to make this progress. In light of these findings, the thesis suggests that a team to be established at both government and commission levels to conduct intelligence work in order to determine the source of funding and the manner in which the commission uses the funds. The thesis suggests in order to preserve the independence and integrity of the commission, a comprehensive plan shouldbe put in place by the government and the Commission to raise a competitive budget internallyItem The Contemporary Usa-China Geo-Strategic Rivalry in the Horn of Africa: its Implications to Ethiopia(Addis ababa university, 2025-05-01) Edao Waritu; Yacob Arsano (PhD)This study's main goal was to assess the contemporary geostrategic rivalry between the United States and China in the Horn of Africa and it’s implications to Ethiopia. In line with its objectives, the study established the existence of the rivalry between the USA and China in the HoA. It identified the factors for the super powers rivalry, the importance of Ethiopia to both superpowers; and the implications of the rivalry to Ethiopia in terms of development and security parameters. The study is founded on the power transition, neo-realism and bandwagon theories. A qualitative method of inquiry is used to conduct the study. The data included both primary as well as secondary sources. Key interviews and document analysis were employed to collect the primary and secondary data respectively. Accordingly, the study consisted of 12 key resource persons, two each from the USA embassy, China embassy, AU and IGAD Missions in Ethiopia and four key informant participants from the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, all in Addis Ababa. The data from the interviews were transcribed, coded and themed according to the research questions for comprehensive data analysis. Key Words: Horn of Africa, geo-strategy, rivalry, USA, ChinaItem A Comparative Analysis of Ethiopia’s Multilateral Diplomacy in the Pre- and Post-Brics Admission Periods: Challenges and Opportunities(Addis ababa university, 2024-06-01) Getnet Sisay; Bayuligne Z. Bahru (PhD)Today’s multilateralism is in a deep crisis attributed largely to the lack of readiness on the part of the established system for reform, the increasing complexity of global challenges, and the problem of regulatory scale. Thus, answering the question of how the global South (majority) asserts its interests amid repeated failures to reform global institutions is crucial. As a country from the global South, Ethiopia has been an ardent supporter of a reinvigorated multilateralism through thick and thin. Its multilateral diplomacy is also at a historic juncture as it officially joined BRICS in January 2024. This historic decision has garnered much attention and become contentious. This study thus sought to appraise the challenges and opportunities of Ethiopia’s multilateral diplomacy from 2018-2022; to examine the driving and enabling factors for Ethiopia’s BRICS membership; and to analyze Ethiopia’s multilateral diplomacy in the post-BRICS admission period vis-à-vis the previous period. The study employed a qualitative research design. Data was collected from both primary and secondary sources mainly through interviews, FGD, and document review. The analysis reveals the following findings. First, Ethiopia’s multilateral diplomacy in the first period was a mix of key achievements and challenges. In the period from 2018-2020, Ethiopia succeeded in diplomatic battles. Whereas from 2020-2022, its multilateral diplomacy was ‘challenged’ and preoccupied with mainly the northern conflict. Second, Ethiopia’s foreign policy and economic calculations, BRICS’ openness to accepting new members, having a similar agenda with BRICS on global governance, undue external pressures and other reasons drove Ethiopia to join BRICS. The enabling factors include its rich history of and devotion to multilateralism, being one of the largest diplomatic hubs, the right representative of Africa in terms of economy and demography, and robust historical bilateral relations with BRICS members. Third, comparing Ethiopia’s multilateral diplomacy in the pre- and post-BRICS admission periods, data reveals that BRICS membership is a natural continuation of its longstanding foreign policy and its strong devotion to a polycentric global order which BRICS would be midwifing. Ethiopia's BRICS membership shows its growing 'insertion' into the international community after a downward spiral during its pre-BRICS membership years. Ethiopia displayed defensive diplomacy during the first period, but relatively assertive and offensive diplomacy during the second. Ethiopia’s BRICS membership is not a ‘paradigm shift’ and does not signify a change in its foreign policy. The findings suggest the need to conduct further studies to illustrate the impact of Ethiopia’s BRICS membership on its multilateral diplomacy. Keywords: BRICS | Multilateralism ,Multilateral Diplomacy Multipolarity, Global Governance ArchitectureItem The Role of Infrastructural Connectivity for Boosting Economic Integration in the Horn of Africa(Addis Ababa University, 2025-06-01) Muluken Tariku; Zelalem Tesfay (PhD)This research investigates the roles of infrastructural connectivity in boosting regional integration in the Horn of Africa – a sub-region known for fragile economy, political instability and less viable connectivity. The multifaceted challenges and opportunities observed in the region call for fostering regional integration. Existing studies have investigated the challenges and prospects of regional integration in the Horn of Africa. Nevertheless, there is a gap in the literature as the role of infrastructure connectivity in boosting regional integration is less covered aspect. As such, fresh data that depicts the status of existing infrastructure connectivity along with the implications on regional integrations is a missing link in the thematic area. The study aims to answer, among others, what the status of the current connectivity in the sub-region is; how different factors are affecting regional integration efforts; as well as what types of challenges and opportunities can be identified behind regional integration schemes. The study employed qualitative research approach by gathering up-to-date data from primary and secondary sources. The study demonstrated that the status of cross-border infrastructure in the HoA is characterized by uneven development and critical missing link. Further, the study indicated the main roles of infrastructure connectivity, namely transportation, energy and digital linkage, in enhancing regional integration in the sub-region. The study identified financial bottlenecks, structural problems, political instability as well as reluctant policy harmonization efforts as main challenges that hindered regional integration effort. The study called for further researches on the topic by identifying the social, economic and political challenges of connectivity in the region by assessing the challenges, which each member states in the region face in their intra-regional infrastructure connectivity. Key words: Regional Integration, Infrastructure Connectivity, Horn of Africa, Challenges and OpportunitiesItem Beyond Continental Free Trade area: the Need for a Collective Export Arrangement for African Economies(Addis Ababa University, 2025-01-01) Tadesse Tilaye; Bayuligne Z. Bahru (PhD)The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) represents a historic effort to unify Africa's trade landscape and bolster intra-African trade. However, critical infrastructure deficits and the lack of complementary production structures hinder its potential. This study critiques the prevailing focus on intra-African trade, arguing for a shift toward collective export arrangements to enhance Africa’s competitiveness in global markets. By employing qualitative methodologies, including in-depth interviews with trade experts and a narrative analysis of existing literature, the research identifies systemic inefficiencies and structural challenges undermining Africa's trade performance. Findings reveal that collective export mechanisms, akin to export cartels, can offer an effective alternative to conventional integration strategies. These arrangements would leverage Africa's shared resources, mitigate competitive fragmentation, and strengthen its global bargaining power. The study advocates a paradigm shift in trade policy, emphasizing collaboration over competition and collective export strategies as a pathway to industrial transformation and sustainable economic growth for the continent. Keywords:African trade, collective export, AfCFTA, export cartels, regional integration