International Relations

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The USA Responses Towards the Civil War of Ethiopia in Tigray National Regional State
(Addis Ababa University, 2023-06-01) Belay Debebe; Yonas Ashene (PhD)
The Ethiopia and the USA have more than a century bilateral relation. But the civil war between the Government of Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (GFDRE) and the Tigray Peoples’ Liberation Front (TPLF) endangered Ethiopia by complicating and threatening the territorial integrity of Ethiopia and imbalance the national interests between the USA and Ethiopia. The National interest protectors’ of Ethiopia passed through security dilemma and politics of undermined and disrespected relations within the internationalization of internal war that affect the bilateral relations between Ethiopia and the USA. This study basically uses the internalization of the fertile ground of the determinants of USA’s responses towards the civil war of Ethiopia in National Regional State of Tigray (NRST) in the constructivist view by qualitatively explorative research method that contains external factors. A study fills the gap of limited research work in issues and in number using scattered and inconsistent data. As a result, to accomplish American interests, USA responses during the first round of the war tended to incline to the TPLF to return the TPLF-led leadership by dominant shuttle diplomacy in Ethiopia, at the Horn of Africa politics and entire world politics like in the UN. Significantly during the war, the USA declined its assistance and made illegible Ethiopia by more than forty percent and from the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). At the end of the two years’ war, the USA succeeded in support of the permanent ceasefire of the Pretoria Agreement between war actors of GFDRE and TPLF led by AU. As a recommendation, the agreement for no war efforts must be expanded to continue the inclusive policy of acts in a way that will fulfill the strategic interests of the United States, Ethiopia, and Africa.
Natural Resource Competition and Interethnic Relations in Wondo Genet, South-Central Ethlopia
(Addis Ababa University, 1999-06) Mohammed, Zerihun; Berisso, Dr Taddesse
This thesis describes the competition for agricultural natural resources and the resulting interethnic relations in Wando Genet, and particularly in Wendo Washa
Sexually Transmitted Diseases With Emphasis on Syphilis Among Pregnant Women in Ketchene A Wraja, Addis Ababa."
(Addis Ababa University, 1993-05) Mosissa, Daba; Carlson, Dennis (Prof.)
The research design was a community based crosssectional study; it was conducted among second and third trimester pregnant women by random sampling in Ketchene area (previously called Ketchene Awraja) which is part of Addis Ababa city. The objective was to determine the prevalence rate of syphilis and to assess knowledge of pregnant women regarding sexually transmitted diseases with emphasis on syphilis. A total of 410 pregnant women in the second and third trimester from 16 kebeles of the district were included in the study . They underwent a physical e xamination, laboratory examinations were done and pretested questionnaires were administered in the order mentioned. The study showed that 11% of second and third trimester women were positive by RPR - blood examination test for treponema palladium syphilis and 7 . 1% were positive by TPHA conf irmatory-test for treponema palladium syphilis. Knowledge regarding the existence of STDs was generally high : the percentages who mentioned various STDs when asked to list those they knew were HIV/AIDS (90.2%), syphilis (89.3%), Gonorrhoea (86.8%), chancroid (40%) and LGV (20%) respectively. Knowledge regarding thecauses of STDs is inadequate, particularly with regard to causes of gonorrhoea, but knowledge regarding treatment and prevention is fair. The frequency of asymptomatic syphilis was high; more than half of the 29 TPHA confirmed syphilis cases had no symptoms; likewise, the signs/symptoms had a low positive predic.tive value, that is very few of those with positive signs/symptoms of syphilis were actually positive by the TPHA-test. This may be because they had other STDs (LGV, Chancroid, Herpes genitalis ) which have also similar clinical manifestations . In this study there was no association between women ' s knowledge regarding STDs and their syphilis status as measured by the TPHA test. It is recommended to do vaginal examination and swabs for gram stain and wet-mount routinely during antenatal and family planning sessions. screening for syphilis using at least RPR test should be a routine procedure in pregnant women.
The United States and the Arab-Israeli Peace Process with a Special Reference to the Roadmap Peace Plan
(Addis Ababa University, 2007-03) Getachew, Abebe; Mathews, K.(Prof.)
Impact of Cross-Border Pastoral Conflicts on Ethio-Kenyan Relations Since 1990
(Addis Ababa University, 2007-04) Bekele, Abdissa; Mathews, K.(Prof.)
This study is about the impact of cross-border pastoral conflicts on the bilateral relations between Ethiopia and Kenya. It focuses on the conflicts between or amon g the pastoralists (Borana, Gam, Degido and the Gabbra) who live in Moyale and Marsabit border districts of Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya. The environmental condition of the case study area is arid and semi- arid . The study is also limited to the period 1990- 2006. By employing qualitative research methodology and selected theories of political s cience and internation al relations, using both primary and secondary source ma terials, the research proved that the impact of cross border pastoral conflicts in the study area in a ltering the nature of the bi-lateral relations of the two countries has been insignificant, although, there have been an mcrease in intensity and scope of the cross-border pastoral conflicts. The conflicts have tested their relations in these years. The study also proved that marginalization of the pastoralists emanated from the nature of the origin of the states and the nature of state- society relations. This has existed since their creations. The nature of the governments of both states that have been characterized by domination, ineqUality, non- democratic or autocratic nature is the main cause for the insignificance of the impacts. There are various sources of the cross-border pastoral conflict that made the area conflict prone. They include; the natural resource degradation, population increase especially due to refugee concentration, governance problems, continuation of the marginalization and others. Overall, this study is important because it relates two contradictory issues (cross- border pastoral conflict and peaceful diplomatic relations) . The marginalization of the pastoralists negatively affected the lives of the pastoral society in all aspects. Moreover, it also proved that the impact of cross border pastoral conflicts on the bi-lateral relations has been insignificant.
Cause and Consequences of Human Trafficking to the Middle East: The Role of Government in Tackling the Problem
(Addis Ababa University, 2007-05) Yigzaw, Asfaw; Birhanu, Kassahun (PhD)
Significance and Dynamics of African Unity
(Addis Ababa University, 2007-07) Zenebe, Abdi; Mathcws, K.(Prof.)
The leading concepts associated w,' It African unity today are Pan-Afn'canism and Afllcan Renaissance. In pariicular, the id(',,1 of African unity is historically associated with PanAfricnaism. This ques t for African Unity, as embodied in Pan-Afllcanism, can be traced back to more than two centurles . Similarly, its new version pioneered by South Africa, Af'lcan Rellaissance calls for and J!l'opagates the regeneration and Unity of Africa. The quest for Unity as a whole is necessitated by a desire to change Africa's poor economic and political conditions as welf as 10 put a strong resistance against externa l exploitation African Unification is a stra tegy th"t has the potential to remove many of the scourges the continent is facing as well as the illfighting among Africans and to create an atmosphere that will enable African counl11es resist, more effectively, the increasing foreign pressure. The advocates of African unity on the one hand believe that the disunity of the continent is responsible for continued foreign manipulation, exploitation and n·valry between IIfricans liwt us ually elupt into armed confrontation. On the other hand, a united Africa will have the capability to f eed itself, through organized efforts, breaking the long chain of dependellcy a ll ci e nhclIlciny the I\Jilcali condition in the international arena. l3eYlllllllt£] III eorly 19605 there IS II lCreUSl1 tg agreement about. the s ignificance of continental ullificalion Jor A{nca. III part icular, the d ebate to forge unity was at its height in the early yeors (~r independence. HowelJer, the move to JO '-'l1 an immediate integration /os l g roulld (IS ri,e 1/ 1(I}o ri/y oI I //(~ /lew heads of s tales d e cided to a elopt a 'graelLlalis!' or step by step approach to unity. This was the base that s et up the f irst all encompassing ('ollline n/a! ins /itutiol1 i.e. the Organization of the Afn·can Unity in ] 963. III 1991 Afn·call cOl llllries decided 10/onl1 AI ricnn Economic Community 10 hasten rhe integration prograrn. !\frico/! regiOllol eCOIlOflllC COrrU7lLlllities are seen as 'pilla rs ' Jar the ultimate achievement of African Unity by the latest continental organization, the African Union, established ill 2002. However, there are sell0us obstacles to make the unification of Africa possible. These obstacles generally can be divided into two broader categories; external and internal. The external challenges include foreign intervention, dependency, colonial legacy, debt and intematiollal regionalism. The internal impediments include conflict, poverty, lacle o/political will and institutional weakness, among others. Notwithstanding, there are new emerging continental phenonlena that can be seen as oppolwnities for AJrlCC1 to achieve ils goal of political unification. Among these the demise of Apartheid which placed South Africa in the forefront in various continental affairs; the renewed commitment by the heads oJ-Afllcan states to speed up the integration process expressed in the formation of African Union and adoption of NEPAD are s ignificant. More illlportantly the recent proposal f or lite establis hmellt of a Un ited States of Afn'ca by 2015 practically '-eplaced the dis enchantme nt. concerning the integration oJ AJn"cQ with renewed ell thus/ClsTl1. !\ccordingly. AIricw l countries dis cus s ed, at Accra, in early July 2007, on the .t\l/'s prnposnl (or Unioll Ccwenr nw nt. which would be a political transitory arrangeme nt towards tile Ullileci Siotes oIl\j;-ira . The p roposal set out th ree succes sive phases toward es/abhs /lllly til<' Ull iled Sta tes o/,lIji1ca. The firs t phose, f rom 2007-2009, targets to set Lip (I con /lI1enlOl gOIJerl1 l1ten l. The second pho se. i. e. j i·om 2009 to 20 12, Jocuses on ma k ing the cOIl/.inelllol gouer/ll/le l7 l J Il If!) Junctiona l nnd preporil tg Q constitutional f ramework for (J,llted States o[ IIf/lm. Tile tl ll'rei p hase, f rom 201 2 to 201 S, aims to create all es sential s tru clures Jor the United Stale of Afn·ca at co unlry} regional and continental leve ls . The summit gave majority support for the gradualist approach, but it has agreed to set up a road map alld a time frame for a union government. This exemplifies the growing significance of Afn'can unily for the future prosperity of Africa.
State Structure and Construction of National Identity in Ethiopia: Pre and Post-1991
(Addis ababa university, 2021-08) Hailu, Tewodros; Achiso (Ph.D), Demeke
The aim of this article is to investigate the impacts of ethnic-based federalism in the construction of national identity: experience of post-1991 Ethiopia. To achieve the main objective of this study, a qualitative research approach was employed; and the data were collected both from primary and secondary sources. A semi-structured interview was employed as a data collection instrument. Essentially primary data were collected from key informant, observation and document reviews, and the secondary data were collected from various written documents. The finding of the study showed that, over the past five decades, ethnicity and ethnic identity have played a significant role in the country's overall activities, ethnocentrism and ethnic identity issues have had a significant contribution to the weakening of national identities. The proliferation of ethnic-based political parties in Ethiopia is intensified clash of interests, the aggravation of ethnic political elites’ rivalry, escalation of ethnic suspicion, weakening of national sentiment. Ethiopia’s peculiar nature of federalism has been a viable option for the integrity of the Ethiopian state and society on the other hand exacerbates and ignites identity politics, thus, it leads to further disintegration. Accordingly, the major conclusion of this study revealed the ethnic-based federalism in Ethiopia has become an instrument of political mobilization, which further perpetuates violence, dissension, and a sense of separatism. Key terms: Federalism, ethnicity, identity, nationalism, national identity, ethnic based federalism
Political Transition in Ethiopia Since 2018: Drivers, Challenges and its Implications in the Horn of Africa
(Addis ababa university, 2021-01) Senassa, Damissie; Kefale (Phd), Asnake
This study aims to examine drivers, challenges and implication of the new political transition in Ethiopia which has opened since 2018. The thesis particularly scrutinizes the causes, drivers of Ethiopia's new political transition, changes, challenges, and implications on the Horn of Africa region and IGAD. To achieve this objective, a qualitative research approach was employed. In this study, both primary and secondary sources of data were used. Thus, field data was collected through interview and focus group discussion which was supplemented by the literature. Based on this, the study argued different political transitions in Ethiopia were promised many positive changes at their opening phase, and reverted without achieving their initial promises and consolidated. Therefore, this thesis identified the drivers of the new ongoing political transition of 2018. People‟s movements resulted from a lack of equality, freedom, democracy, and the Addis Ababa Integrated Master plan, especially, for the Oromo‟s were among the driving factors. The youth, notably, students at a different level, educated part of society, academicians, intellectuals, activists, elites, political parties, and media; those were the main drivers of this new transition opened in 2018. Ideological principles against the democratic values and internal party fissure were also identified as another driving factor. Further, the research identified incomplete state formation, ethnic division, and communal conflict, internal people‟s displacement, youth population growth, etc…as a challenge. It has also peace, security, and economic implications on IGAD member states and the whole region. Based on the empirical discussions, this study concludes with the suggestion of real political dialogue, broader national consensus, and inclusive nation-building and state formation project, build strong democratic institutions and implement genuine federalism with real democracy, etc… for the success and consolidation of this democratic political transition. Key Words: Ethiopia, Horn of Africa, IGAD, Authoritarianism, Democracy, Political Transition
The New Geo-politics in the Horn of Africa and its Implications for Ethiopia’s Foreign Policy
(Addis ababa university, 2020-06) Dejen, Rebuma; Gudina (PhD), Merera
It is well established that the Horn of Africa region is a diverse, complex and dynamic region with its own unique history of state formation pattern and age-old external interventions in the region. The Horn of Africa is undergoing far-reaching changes in its regional geopolitical dynamics and its external security landscape in the backdrop of shifting international system. A number of regional and global state actors from the middle eastern region and Gul and internal powerhouses including the US, China, Russia and possibly the EU are currently competing for influence, power, resources and hegemony in the region. This research studied the new geopolitics in the Horn of Africa and its implications for Ethiopia’s foreign policy. Previous reports and research largely focused on the country specific approach to study the region failing to provide a broader and comprehensive framework to the understand the new geopolitics from a foreign policy and geopolitical perspectives. The dearth of scholarly work on regional political analysis from the broader international relations and geopolitical perspectives is considered as a huge challenge to both scholars and policy makers. The study attempted to answer the emerging superpower competition between global superpowers in the HoA and the new middle eastern involvement in taking into account the national, regional and international systemic factors. For that, a qualitative research approach with an exploratory study framework was selected. Accordingly, the study used a wide variety of secondary source of data including books, journal articles, reports, news articles, government and non-governmental sources and other reliable secondary sources. The multidimensional and in-depth analysis of the research will try to fill the gaps identified above. The findings of the research will be important in widening the existing body of knowledge on the region and in the arena of policy revision and making. The study identified that the driving factors that shape new the geo-politics of Middle Eastern power dynamics in the Horn include: the post-Arab spring leadership vacuum, the Yemeni civil war, the rivalry with Iran, geo-economic drivers, the GCC crisis and the strategic significance the region. The implications for Ethiopia’s foreign policy are wide ranging including on its economic development, the GERD hydro-politics, regional peace and security and the future of inter-state relations in the Horn of Africa.
The Federal Arrangement and the Sidaama‘s Quest for Self-determination in the Post-1991 Ethiopia
(Addis ababa university, 2021-06) Milossa, Melese; Kefale, Asnake
This dissertation examines Sidaama’s quest for self-determination in Ethiopia’s post-1991 federal order. The main objective of this research was to examine Sidaama’s resistance to centralized rule and their struggle for regional autonomy. The dissertation used qualitative methodology for data collection and analysis. Key informants’ interviews and focus groups discussion were used to collect data. The fieldwork for this thesis was conducted from 2015-2016 in Addis Ababa, Hawassa city, and different parts of the Sidaama zone. This study is a comprehensive work on the Sidaama and focused on the path that the group followed to attain a regional state within the Ethiopian federal structure. Besides, the formation of the Sidaama region shows the most recent process of sub-national reorganization in Ethiopia. The Sidaama mounted an armed struggle since the late 1970s. The study in particular examined the mobilization of the Sidaama for regional statehood under Ethiopia’s ethnonational federal system. Accordingly, the study discussed theories of federalism and self-determination, the self-determination principles contained in the Ethiopian federal Constitution, and how Sidaama’s longstanding quest for regional autonomy was impacted by the federal system. As discussed in the dissertation, when the Ethiopian internal administrative system was restructured in 1992, the Sidaama were able to secure a regional status. This was reversed in the same year when the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples Region (SNNPR) was established. Since the formation of the SNNPR and the incorporation of the Sidaama in that region without their agreement, there has been a concerted effort by the Sidaama to regain their lost regional status. The reaction of the federal government to peaceful protests by the Sidaama by and large was violent. The Sidaama political elite within the former ruling party – Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) used provisions of the federal Constitution that entitle ethnic communities to establish their regions by following procedures provided in the constitution. First, following the 2005 electoral crisis in Ethiopia, the Sidaama zonal council endorsed the application for a regional status and supported the demand. The federal government and the EPRDF resisted the move and used patronage to defuse the challenge. The demand for regional status was, however, reignited after the political changes that happened in Ethiopia following the 2018 leadership change. The Sidaama within the ruling party (EPRDF and now Prosperity Party) and outside of it somehow stood together and pressed for regional status. Also, the Sidaama youth (Ejjeetto) played a significant role in mobilizing the public for regional status. Accordingly, in July 2018, the Sidaama zonal council officially demanded the regional statehood. Despite several ups and downs, the referendum for Sidaama regional statehood was conducted on 20 November 2019 in which the Sidaama quest for regional statehood had a landslide result won 97.7%. Accordingly, on 18 June 2020 officially Sidaama national regional state (SNRS) has become the 10th member state in the Ethiopian federation. The formation of the Sidaama regional state brought a crisis to the multi-ethnic region, SNNP. Several ethnic communities within the region are now calling for the formation of their regional governments.
Ethio-Japan Diplomatic Relations Since 1991
(Addis ababa university, 2021-09) Masrie, Dessalegn; Kefale (Phd), Asnake
Restoring their relation in 1991, Ethiopia and Japan have enjoyed a robust diplomatic relation in many aspects. The study aims to analyze the diplomatic relation between Ethiopia and Japan since 1991 by focusing on political, economic, and people-to-people aspects of relations. To this end, the study employed a qualitative research approach. In doing so, key informant interviews, and document analyses were employed to collect the relevant data. The study tried to identify the political, economic, and people-to-people ties as the major themes that shaped the contemporary diplomatic relations of Ethiopia and Japan during the years (1991-2021). The political relation of Ethiopia and Japan mainly constitutes bilateral political consultations, diplomatic contacts through state visits, military cooperation, and regional peace and security. Policy dialogue, development cooperation, and trade relations altogether make up the economic relation. Sharing similarities in areas of culture, sport, common heritage, tourism, and intermarried, the people-to-people relations between the two countries have grown over the years. In short, this study revealed that the diplomatic relations between Ethiopia and Japan have grown and lingering in political, economic, and people-to-people ties since 1991. Keywords: International Relations, Diplomatic Relations, Political Relations, Economic Relations, People-to-people Relations
Competing Middle East Countries in the Horn Of Africa: Economic And Security Implications For Ethiopia
(Addis ababa university, 2021-07) Alemayehu, Dagim; Mebrie, Solomon(Dr)
The middle East countries have maintained social, cultural, economic, and religious ties with the Horn countries for many years. However, since the 2011 Arab Spring the rift among the Middle East countries and the engagement of these countries with the Horn of Africa has shown an increase. The 2015 Yemeni civil war and the 2017 GCC crisis have exacerbated the rift among the Middle East states and resulted in increased engagement of Middle Eastern countries in the Horn of Africa for expanding their sphere of influence and serving their respective political, economic, and security interests in the Horn of Africa. The rift among the Middle Eastern countries in the Middle East and the export of their rift to the Horn of Africa in terms of proliferation of military installation and ports, increase in military training, military aid, and economic aid – coupled with their interventionist and coercive foreign policy towards the Horn has economic and security implications for the Horn of Africa in broader terms and Ethiopia in particular. The purpose of this study is to examine and analyze the increased engagement of Middle Eastern countries with the Horn of Africa, and its economic and security implications to Ethiopia and put forward some policy recommendations that Ethiopia should adopt to minimize the negative impacts and maximize the benefits of such engagement of Middle East countries in the Horn of Africa. In doing so, the researcher deployed a qualitative methodology. Accordingly, investment, trade, and tourism data and data gathered from key informant interviews, and secondary sources of data were analyzed. Hence, in terms of economic implication, the research has found that the economy of Ethiopia has been least impacted by the competitive engagement of Middle East countries in the Horn of Africa. On the other hand, the research shows that the increased engagement of Middle East countries in the Horn of Africa is a threat to the security of Ethiopia. Based on the findings, the study suggests the need to ensure the continuity of inward-looking foreign policy orientation of the country, and the policy of neutrality towards the Middle East countries. Moreover, the researcher emphasizes the need to promote a negotiated settlement of rift among the Middle East states to minimize the impacts and maximize the benefits of increased engagement of Middle East countries in the Horn of Africa. Keywords: Competition, Economy, Inward-looking, Neutrality, Rift, Rivalry, Security
Prospects of Energy Led Integration in the Horn of Africa: Opportunities and Challenges
(Addis ababa university, 2021-07) Tadesse, Abera; Ashine(Dr), Yonas
Among different areas of regional economic cooperation, energy led cooperation has been shown in different parts of the world. Since recently, it has been also noticed in different parts of Africa including the Horn of Africa region (hereafter HoA). Energy cooperation in the HoA has been seen as a good move to promote relations between countries in the region and the regional economic integration in various forms. This study has three separate but interrelated objectives. Firstly, it highlights the energy resource potential of the HoA region and rationales for the regional energy cooperation initiatives. Secondly, assess the prospects of energy led integartion in the HoA by examining the current status of energy led cooperation schemes in the region and opportunities surrounding it. Thirdly, the paper discusses the key challenges of energy led integration in the HoA. The study uses both primary and secondary data. To substantiate the analysis, theories such as Institutional Liberalism, Functionalism, Neo-Functionalism, and Political Realism were utilized. In addition to theories, the study employed the political economy approach in order to examine the political economic factors at various levels that frustrate energy led cooperation as well as future integartion in the region. As a final point, the study tends to conclude that energy cooperation schemes in the HoA are increasing from time to time and have a good prospect for further regional energy integration. Thus, the existing energy led cooperation in the region is incrementally and functionally becoming more in line with theories liberalism, functionalism and neo-functionalism. However, it also asserts, for example, that political instability of the region, lack of trust among countries, geopolitics of the HoA region and hydro politics of the Eastern Nile basin inform political realism is also important to explain the politics of integration/disintegration in the region. Moreover, shortage of generation capacity and weak energy infrastructures, political economic dynamics at national, regional, and international level are key barriers to the existing regional energy integration process. Key words: Energy, Horn of Africa, Cooperation, Integration, Interconnection
Foreign Military Bases in the Horn of Africa and their Implications to Ethiopia’s National Security (2002-2019)
(Addis Ababa University, 2021-01) Gebremariam, Tesfay; Kefale, Dr. Asnake
Through this study, an effort is made to analyze the security implications of foreign military bases in the Horn region to Ethiopia’s national security. The Horn of African region is among the very strategic areas in the world. The region became a playfield of rival foreign powers and one of the conflict prone areas of the world. Once again, the region is being contested by foreign powers. About 10 foreign military bases in Djibouti, Somalia, Eritrea, and Somaliland are established. This paper contends that the foreign military bases in the Horn region provide both opportunities and challenges to Ethiopia’s national security. As a result, a responsive foreign policy is required to utilize the security opportunities and minimizing the costs. Methodologically, qualitative research methodology is used. Accordingly, both primary and secondary sources of data are employed. Secondary data is derived from books, journals, media reports, various research works, and policy documents. Primary source of data collection is also employed through in-depth interviews with key informants from various institutions. The finding of the study shows both security challenges and opportunities. In terms of security opportunities, maintenance of regional stability, keeping of the safety of trade routes, possibility of regional economic boost potential of regional integration, militarily cooperation and protection of the region from terrorism are scrutinized. On the other hand, the potential of destabilization, undermining of sovereignty, the potential of blockade of global trade corridor and challenge of access to sea port, the possibility of military confrontation, the potential of expansion of fundamentalism and the siege of mentality are among the security risks. Thus, to minimize the security risks and maximize opportunities first, Ethiopia should stabilize the domestic problems to fully focus on the external issues. Second, Ethiopia must strengthen its relationship with all of its neighbors and should think critically about its interactions with all the foreign forces that have military bases in the Horn region with good diplomatic efforts. Third, Ethiopia should develop new strategies to cope up with the increasing geopolitical significance of the Red Sea and the challenges that it is facing with respect to using its natural resources (e.g. GERD). In this case Ethiopia should pursue proactive policy is needed.
Causes of Popular Protests and Violations of Human Rights in Ethiopia, 2015-2018
(Addis Ababa University, 2021-04) Kefyalew, Abemelek; Jemma, Dr. Hussein
This study examines the causes of the popular protests in Ethiopia during 2015-2018 that led to massive human rights violations, and the dynamics in the human rights records of Ethiopia after PM Dr. Abiy held office. Data was gathered through key informant interviews. According to the findings of the study, there has been deprivation in Ethiopia since the EPRDF held office, which was intensified in the post-2015. Citizens were aware of the ongoing deprivation. The popular movements had similar slogans to topple the government. There were also event full protests that followed the Irrecha incident, and the arrest of Col. Demeke that changed the protests into a nascent movement. The finding also suggested that the people were open along with some officials within the government. It was noted that resource mobilization contributed by large to the success of the popular protests. There had been gross human rights violations in Ethiopia since the EPRDF took office, the magnitude intensified since the popular protests erupted in 2015. The dynamism of the human rights landscape in Ethiopia changed since PM Dr. Abiy took office in April 2018. Since then, the government’s direct human rights violations reduced, however, other human rights-violating actors appeared in the picture. These human rights violations were based on ethnic, territorial, and identity claims. These non-governmental human rights violators violated the right to life and also the freedom of expression and association. Because of that, PM Abiy’s administration, regardless of the promise for building a better human rights landscape, success was very much limited, while the human rights violations caused by non-governmental actors increased
Ethio-UAEs' Relations: A Critical Analysis of Opportunities and Challenges for Ethiopia
(Addis Ababa University, 2021-04) Younis, Mustefa; Ashine (PhD), Yonas
Ethiopian and the Arabian Peninsula share a long history of economic, political, social, and religious relations. Ethiopia and the United Arab Emirates have bilateral relations that have lasted for more than two decades. The year 2018 witnessed upgrading and enwinding of bilateral relations between the two countries. This new development and shift did not come from a vacuum, but as a result of shifts that took place in the Middle East and the Horn of Africa. Historical facts and reality on the ground show that the relationship between the Horn of Africa and the Arab Gulf states is asymmetric, driven more by the interests of the later. Looking at the current Ethiopian political, economic, and social conditions and the currently remarkable Emirati-Ethiopian rapprochement, this MA thesis aim to identify whether the two countries‟ bilateral relations are asymmetrical and driven by the UAE‟s interests or not and also aim to describe and analyze related risks and opportunities based on the relations trend and extent. By using qualitative methodology to describe such problem. The main points inducted in this paper are that: although the two countries bilateral relations are in increasing trend and UAE support for Ethiopia has benefits, but its political goals are uncertain, the UAE is not giving as it gaining and the UAE‟s more closeness to Ethiopia created phenomena like new friends, new enemies and, deep public dissatisfaction that can clouds the Ethiopian and UAE‟s reputation. Sharing experience from states have long period of experience in relations with UEA, drawing lesson from past events, understanding well the history of the geopolitical cycle and Gulf engagements and recently geo-economic phenomenon in the Horn of Africa are key to maximize benefits of these bilateral relations and reduce associated risks. Key Words:-Bilateral Relations, Natures, Trend, Challenges, Opportunities, Ethiopia, UAE
Developmental State in South Korea and Democratic Developmental State in Ethiopia: Motivations, Practices, and Challenges
(Addis Ababa University, 2021-02) Bekele, Hawaki; Jemma, Dr. Hussein
This study investigates the experiences of developmental state in South Korea and democratic developmental state in Ethiopia. With regard to the experience of South Korea, the study emphasized the development policies and practices of the country from the period 1961 to 1979. In the cases of Ethiopia, the study gives particular emphasis to the post-2001 situation. Empirical data were collected through key informant interviews. Major findings of the study suggest that in South Korea and Ethiopia, development challenges that are linked to the institutional capabilities and independence of the bureaucrats, political devotions, and investment feasibilities make differences. The study also found that it is difficult to attain and sustain development without building inclusive democratic institutions. The absence of democratic, inclusive, and autonomous political institutions adversely affected sustainable development in both South Korea and Ethiopia even though the degree varied. In Ethiopian situation, the challenges of corruption and rent-seeking persisted as politics overly fused with development. Similarly, inefficient, maladministration and mismanagement of public enterprises prevailed due to the absence competent and independent bureaucratic institutions. Private sectors remained weak as government excessively dominated them. Further, the findings of the study imply that the absence democratic and inclusive political institutions resulted in unrest and political instabilities in both countries. Moreover, in order to be developmental, a country should have to possess capable and inclusive political and administrative institutions. These institutions should have to be supported by capable and committed political leadership, and competent, autonomous, and accountable bureaucracy. The study also suggests some experiences that Ethiopia could learn from South Korea regarding developmental state policy formulations and implementations. In Ethiopia, the development role of political leadership and bureaucrats should have to be clearly stated. Similarly, while implementing the policy, political leadership, civil servants, and business should have to be developmental goal oriented and work to achieve such a goal. The finding of the study calls for further research on similar topics in other countries that have undergone democratic developmental state policy.
Ethio-Eritrea Rapprochement and Its Implications for the Horn of Africa’s Peace and Security
(Addis Ababa University, 2020-10) Regasa, Belay; Gudina (Prof.), Merera
Even though the Algiers Agreement dully signed by the belligerent states ended the violent conflict that broke out between Ethiopia and Eritrea from 1998-2000, but it could not restore diplomatic relations between the two states. The conflict and the subsequent deadlock that sustained for two decades not only affected the political, economic, social and security of the countries, but exacerbated instabilities of the already conflict-ridden Horn of Africa. The two decades impasse between Ethiopia and Eritrea came to an end in 2018 following the change of leadership in Ethiopia. Thus, this study aimed to explore the positive implications of the new Ethio-Eritrea rapprochement that achieved as a result of political reform in Ethiopia in stabilizing the Horn of African region. In doing so, the study employed a qualitative research design. In the processes of explaining the positive implications of the rapprochement for the peace and security of the Horn of Africa, data from both primary and secondary are employed and analyzed thematically. The primary data were collected through purposive key informant in-depth interviews from the governmental and non-governmental officials, political experts and practioners, and senior researchers who have insights and conducted researches on the relations between Ethiopia and Eritrea and the rest of the Horn. Accordingly, in sum, 7 key informants are interviewed from the Embassy of the State of Eritrea based in Ethiopia, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ethiopia, political party leaders, research institutions and, Institute of the Ethiopian Foreign Relations and Strategic Studies. According to the finding of the study, the political reform, the change of leadership in particular in Ethiopia led to the end of the two decades hostility between Ethiopia and Eritrea. The Ethio-Eritrea rapprochement, given the prevalence of plethora of actors that contribute for the instabilities in the region, has massive peace and security implications for the states by vividly contributing to the stability of the entire Horn. Furthermore, the rapprochement replaced ethos of militarism and proxy war with diplomatic proficiency, which reduced border skirmishes and mutual destabilization that have been raging in the region. The restoration of relations between the two states has also led to the restoration of relations in the region, such as between Eritrea and Djibouti and Eritrea and Somalia. Overall, if it could be institutionalized, overcome internal and external constraints and embraced by all the concerned bodies, the Ethio-Eritrea rapprochement plays a great role to stabilize the war thorn region. Key Words; Ethiopia, Eritrea, Horn of Africa, Rapprochement, Reform, Peace, Security.
The Role of Ethiopia’s Diaspora Diplomacy and Engagement since the Mid-2018 Political Reform in Ethiopia: Challenges and Prospects
(Addis Ababa University, 2020-06) Abosati, Solomon; Jemma, Dr. Hussein
One of the recent developments of political reform in Ethiopia is related to the diaspora’s diplomacy and engagement. This reform has changed not only the relationship between the Ethiopian government and the Ethiopian diaspora, but also the method and culture of engagement. This research is concerned with the current reform and its impacts on diaspora diplomacy and engagement of Ethiopia. To this end, the study aimed at describing and analyzing the extent to which factors that contributed to diaspora’s diplomacy and engagement of Ethiopia. Accordingly, in terms of research methodology, qualitative approach was employed. The study applied both primary and secondary sources of information. The primary sources of information were collected through a series of interviews with key informants. Apart from this, secondary sources of information were also collected from relevant literature, such as books, internet sources, journal articles, published and unpublished materials, news releases, amended laws and other documents. Qualitative method was used as data analysis technique. The study identified the roles of Ethiopian diaspora for the changes and overall development of the country since the mid-2018 political reform in Ethiopia. The findings of the study show that approaches of diaspora engagement have changed, but, not without challenges as opportunities are far from properly utilized. Among the constraints, institutional issue, division among segments of the Ethiopian diaspora, and deficiency of management among diaspora stakeholders. On the other hand, the study findings identified prospects such as changes in engaging the Ethiopian diaspora, changes in attitude towards the Ethiopian diaspora, enhancement of the role of embassies and consulates for effective engagement of the Ethiopian diaspora, and the re-welcoming atmosphere for Ethiopian diasporas that would encourage them to enhance their constructive roles chiefly in politics and economy of Ethiopia. The findings of the study suggested that the Ethiopian diaspora politics is a reflection of internal politics of the country, and, consequently, the stance and support of the Ethiopian diaspora towards the government fluctuates swiftly. The findings also suggested that a successful transition to democratic system is vital for effectively engaging the Ethiopian diaspora and gain their unwavering consistent support and contribution to the advancement of Ethiopia. Based on the empirical discussions, the researcher argues that the political reform in Ethiopia have generally brought about optimistic impacts on the Ethiopian diaspora diplomacy and engagement.

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