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Item Sexually Transmitted Diseases With Emphasis on Syphilis Among Pregnant Women in Ketchene A Wraja, Addis Ababa."(Addis Ababa University, 1993-05) Mosissa, Daba; Carlson, Dennis (Prof.)The research design was a community based crosssectional study; it was conducted among second and third trimester pregnant women by random sampling in Ketchene area (previously called Ketchene Awraja) which is part of Addis Ababa city. The objective was to determine the prevalence rate of syphilis and to assess knowledge of pregnant women regarding sexually transmitted diseases with emphasis on syphilis. A total of 410 pregnant women in the second and third trimester from 16 kebeles of the district were included in the study . They underwent a physical e xamination, laboratory examinations were done and pretested questionnaires were administered in the order mentioned. The study showed that 11% of second and third trimester women were positive by RPR - blood examination test for treponema palladium syphilis and 7 . 1% were positive by TPHA conf irmatory-test for treponema palladium syphilis. Knowledge regarding the existence of STDs was generally high : the percentages who mentioned various STDs when asked to list those they knew were HIV/AIDS (90.2%), syphilis (89.3%), Gonorrhoea (86.8%), chancroid (40%) and LGV (20%) respectively. Knowledge regarding thecauses of STDs is inadequate, particularly with regard to causes of gonorrhoea, but knowledge regarding treatment and prevention is fair. The frequency of asymptomatic syphilis was high; more than half of the 29 TPHA confirmed syphilis cases had no symptoms; likewise, the signs/symptoms had a low positive predic.tive value, that is very few of those with positive signs/symptoms of syphilis were actually positive by the TPHA-test. This may be because they had other STDs (LGV, Chancroid, Herpes genitalis ) which have also similar clinical manifestations . In this study there was no association between women ' s knowledge regarding STDs and their syphilis status as measured by the TPHA test. It is recommended to do vaginal examination and swabs for gram stain and wet-mount routinely during antenatal and family planning sessions. screening for syphilis using at least RPR test should be a routine procedure in pregnant women.Item Natural Resource Competition and Interethnic Relations in Wondo Genet, South-Central Ethlopia(Addis Ababa University, 1999-06) Mohammed, Zerihun; Berisso, Dr TaddesseThis thesis describes the competition for agricultural natural resources and the resulting interethnic relations in Wando Genet, and particularly in Wendo WashaItem Roadblocks to Economic Integration in the Igad Sub-Regional(Addis Ababa University, 2002-05) Molla, Tesfaye; Gudina, Merera (PhD)This study attempts to identify the principal challenges to economic integration in the sub-region of IGAD. The study argues that theories of economic integration that are relevant to understanding the roadblocks to the attempts aimed at economic integration in developing countries in general and in the IGAD sub-region in particular require a merger of the theories of functionalism, neo-functionalism and dynamic Customs Union and exogenous factors. The study tries to set out the main conditions that are necessary for successful economic integration among developing countries which are explored from the past experience of regional and sub-regional economic groupings within and outside the continent of Africa. These are: the need for the existence of at least one ‘big brother’ in the economic bloc and/or larger number of participating member states; de-link from North and encourage South-South cooperation; the promotion and development of infrastructure and communications; the need for sustained and irreversible commitment on the parts of the participating governments to honor financial contribution, empower the sub-regional organization and incorporate regional polices into national programmes; and the need for the existence of stability, compromise, tolerance and political harmony, and confidence among member states. The assessment of this study reveals the prevalence of major challenges that work against the attempt to effective economic integration in the IGAD subregion. The principal challenges identified are: excessive dependence of member states on external agents ( the Western countries and their institutions), the impact of the triad trading blocs ( Europe, America, East Asia), the incompatibility of the Lome Convention and Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) on the promotion of regionalism, poor communication. performance, lack of sustained and irreversible commitment by the participating governments, and mistrust, suspicion and lack of confidence between and among the partners. The conclusion that emerges from such analysis is that the economic integration attempt in the IGAD sub-region is far from success. Thus, this study stresses that if genuine and sustainable economic integration is to be pursued in the sub-region, IGAD needs to minimize its ties with the North and enhance South-South cooperation, ensure the harmonization of national and sub-regional policies, promote an active involvement of people in the economic integration process, make sustained and irreversible commitment on the progress made, develop a climate of trust and confidence among the nations and populations, and make short-term compromises in the interest of long-term goals and benefits.Item Ethio Sudanese Relations: 1991-2001(Addis Ababa University, 2002-05) Mengistu, Molla; Berhanu, Kassahun (PhD); Aberra, Getachew(PhD)The thesis has discussed the issues involved in, and identified the relevant factors impacting upon, the Ehtiopian Sudanese relations. The relations of these neighbouring countries have been fluctuating between harmony and conflict. These fluctuations witnessed three different phases of the relations since 1991. There are two primary reasons for establishing friendly relations between the present governments of the two countries immediately after the change of government in Ethiopia. Firstly, the previous friendly relations between Bashir's regime in Sudan and the Ehtiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) had facilitated the ground to conclude different bilateral agreements regarding the strengthening of their relations. Secondly, the existence of compatible national interests expressed in their foreign policies, with respect to the maintenance of national security, and economic cooperation motivated the two governments to establish friendly relations. On the basis of these common political and economic interests, opposition movements operating against one regime were expelled from the territory of the other immediately after the commencement of the formal relations between the two governments. Moreover, bilateral agreements for economic cooperations were concluded between them at various times. Ethiopia and Sudan were in a state of conflict between 1995 and 1998. The main sources of the conflict include the involvement of Sudan to spread political Islam in the Ethiopian territory, competition between the two countries to assert regional leadership, longstanding suspicion and mistrust arising from their unresolved boundary problem and the BlueNile water utilization issues. Besides, the attempt to externalize internal problems and the interference of one in the internal affairs of the other by extending support to opposition movements contributed to the deterioration of the relations of the two countries. Sudan was implicated for the terrorist activities that took place in Ethiopia, and this resulted in the imposition of sanction against the former, on Ethiopia's petition, by the Security Council of the United Nations. The main objective of Sudanese involvement in supporting terrorist groups operating in and around the Ethiopian territory is to weaken Ethiopia and to dominate the politics of the Horn. Although Ethiopia and Sudan agree on the validity of the 1902 and 1907 boundary treaties, the boundary demarcation issue has not been still resolved. This pending issue was affecting the relations between the two countries. The question of the utilization of the waters of the Nile tributaries originating from Ethiopia has been the most important issue in determining the long-term relations of Ethiopia and Sudan. This is due to conflict of interests and the involvement of power politics strongly influenced by Egypt's anti-Ethiopia policy. The issue of the Blue Nile water utilization has been the potential source of conflict because of the absence of any accord involving all the riparian states relating to its apportionment. Moreover, the influence of neighbouring countries and great powers was affecting the relations of Ethiopia and Sudan. However, regardless of the state of conflict that prevailed between 1995 and1998, their relations have been cordial since the middle of 1998.Item The Role of Military Power in Ethiopia’s National Security (1974-1991)(Addis Ababa University, 2002-06) Mesfin, Berouk; Medhanie, Assefa (PhD)Among the most intriguing problems confronting students of international relations is the role of military power in the furtherance of a state’s national security. In fact, it is a subject with such wide ramifications that no claim to comprehensive treatment can be easily made. Nonetheless, this study attempts to hold a consistent view of the subject when taking up the Ethiopian case in the 1974-1991 period. The study begins by considering the concept of national security, which basically signifies the protection of a state’s vital interests from threats assessed by the regime in power, and that of military power, which is the capability of a state to employ its armed forces effectively in support of national security goals. The study also discusses and applies the realist approach to national security, which holds that national security is basically safeguarding a state’s core interests (such as territorial integrity and political independence) from threats emanating from outside its borders and are primarily political and military in nature. Furthermore, the approach calls for a focus on military power considered to be, in peacetime as in wartime, the most essential element of national strength and security. The study then presents the political dynamics of Ethiopia. The country was governed by an authoritarian and Marxist-Leninist leaning regime the policy-making responsibility of which was practically concentrated in the hands of one individual, namely Mengistu Haile Mariam. Plagued by political frictions and civil wars, the country grappled with numerous military and political threats, which were essentially ingrained in the Horn of Africa region. Against the backdrop of these threats, the post-1974 regime engaged in and maintained a high level of military spending,vigilance and capability. The study emphasizes that the net result was the creation of probably the largest and best equipped Armed Forces in Sub-Saharan Africa. The study also stresses that the regime guided the Armed Forces by a doctrine largely based on the Soviet model, centralized the High Command, conducted constant indoctrination and surveillance, and put its faith in the accumulation of weaponry which was mainly provided by the Soviet Union. The study finally notes that the Armed Forces were used in three ways. First and foremost, they were employed for defense of the country against external aggression, forcing Somalia to desist its invasion of the Ogaden in 1978. Secondly, the Armed Forces were used in a compellent role, as applied to Somalia in 1982 through cross-border air raids and infantry-armored excursions to force it to reverse its anti-Ethiopian activities. The third and last use of the Armed Forces was strategic intelligence, which was concerned with the gathering and analysis of information on the capabilities, vulnerabilities and probable courses of action of the states in the Horn of Africa, and also involved carrying out covert operations such as the substantial military aid imparted to friendly insurgent groups operating in Sudan and SomaliaItem The Question of the Nile in Ethio Egyptian Relations: Challenges and Opportunites(Addis Ababa University, 2002-10) Juhar, Ademnur; Gudina, Merrera(PhD)The Nile issue has long shaped the relations between Ethiopia and Egypt. With Egypt dominating the hydropolitics of the Nile, Ethiopia has been unable to strike a deal on establishing user right on the river. Egypt has made its preoccupation to obstruct any development efforts on the Nile by Ethiopia. Egypt’s diplomatic and political superiority has also proved effective in blocking any international funding for Ethiopia’s effort in using the resources of the Nile. Egypt has also tried to exploit the instabilities and internal crises in some countries in the basin, particularly Ethiopia, in support of one or the other parties involved in the crisis with the object of diverting development efforts on the Nile. This study emphasizes on the need to change the hitherto uncompromising hydropolitical situation in the basin particularly, the need to forge cooperation on using the resources of the river for the common good of the riparian countries. In this regard the recognition of equitable entitlement of the resources of the river to all the Nail basin countries is viewed as a positive step towards rapprochement in the basin countries in general and between Egypt and Ethiopia in particular. The present cooperative endeavors and recognition of equitable entitlement of the riparians is to my understanding a welcome sign for future cooperation on utilizing the resources of the river. But there also seem to be some problems on the road to cooperation. The stumbling block in this regard appears to be the prevarication displayed by the downstream co-riparian stapes of Egypt, and the Sudan. The study also highlights the need of the Ethiopian side to show commitment and action to implement its development projects even if foreign assistance couldn’t be available. Ethiopia is also expected to display a more proactive diplomatic role in attracting foreign assistance.The study also touches on the lessons that are learned from the various political and diplomatic initiatives on forging agreement on the Nile. It also urges on the need to register progress in the ongoing attempts to come up with legal and institutional framework for establishing rights on the Nile resource. But the study also advises on the benefit of participating on the ongoing Nile Basin Initiative and specifically on the project-by- project based agreement of the ENSAP. It attempts to prove that Ethiopia’s participation in the short-term on such initiatives as ENSAP could not jeopardize her right to equitable share on the Nile. But a stress is made on the need to guard against the prevarication of Egypt and Sudan who seem not to desist from their unilateral and uncompromising stance. In this instance, Ethiopia’s choice is advised to be to mobilize its own human and financial resource and to build the necessary infrastructure on the ground for her ultimate utilization of the NileItem The Road to African Union: Retrospect and Prospect(Addis Ababa University, 2002-12) Yenealem, Fasil; Medhane, Assefa (PhD)The thesis the road to African union evacuates earlier and current attempts made to the states of Africa The evaluation covers a period of almost one-century, from the end of the 19th to the beginning of the 21st century. The main objective of the research is to identify whether there were (are requisite conditions fro unification, such as compatibility of political values, greater economic and social transaction, peace and security and positive external environment in Africa. The thesis concludes that those requisite conditions for unification have not been sufficiently available in Africa despite some changes occurred after the demise of the Cold War in the 1990s. The paper also tries to evaluate the achievements and failures of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). It argues that the achievements of the OAU, in the political, economic and social dimensions were low. Finally, the paper attempts to show the structure, objective and functions of the new African Union, and tries to compare and contrast the Union with the defunct OAU.Item Ethiopia’s Foreign Policy Under Emperor Haile Selassie I: An Appraisal.(Addis Ababa University, 2006-12-06) Abota, Arka; Medhane, Assefa (PhD)Ethiopia stands one of the oldest countries in international relations. Nevertheless, its foreign relations began to take modern shape under Haile Selassie I. It is during his period that permanent representations have begun and diplomatic missions were opened in many countries. Haile Selassie oversaw Ethiopia’s early participation in international relations. In this respect he became an international figure. It is thus, the purpose of this study is to appraise Ethiopia’s foreign policy under the Emperor Haile Selassie I. The study employed a neo-classical theory as its instruments of analysis. In light of this foreign policy of Ethiopia under the Emperor is apprised and the internal and external factors that affected the country’s foreign relations analyzed. For the purpose the available published and unpublished documents are used. Furthermore people with knowledge of the time are interviewed and recorded. The role the Emperor played in foreign policy formulations is analyzed and his personal diplomacy is evaluated. In this connection, the study underlined how personal domination in foreign policy by the Emperor has stagnated the dynamism of the foreign policy making bodies and institutions in the country. Finally, the study appraised the weaknesses and strength of Ethiopia’s foreign policy under the period. The study is believed to be a new input, since there has been no book-length study of Ethiopian foreign policy under the Emperor (Clapham, 1999:99)Item The United States and the Arab-Israeli Peace Process with a Special Reference to the Roadmap Peace Plan(Addis Ababa University, 2007-03) Getachew, Abebe; Mathews, K.(Prof.)Item Impact of Cross-Border Pastoral Conflicts on Ethio-Kenyan Relations Since 1990(Addis Ababa University, 2007-04) Bekele, Abdissa; Mathews, K.(Prof.)This study is about the impact of cross-border pastoral conflicts on the bilateral relations between Ethiopia and Kenya. It focuses on the conflicts between or amon g the pastoralists (Borana, Gam, Degido and the Gabbra) who live in Moyale and Marsabit border districts of Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya. The environmental condition of the case study area is arid and semi- arid . The study is also limited to the period 1990- 2006. By employing qualitative research methodology and selected theories of political s cience and internation al relations, using both primary and secondary source ma terials, the research proved that the impact of cross border pastoral conflicts in the study area in a ltering the nature of the bi-lateral relations of the two countries has been insignificant, although, there have been an mcrease in intensity and scope of the cross-border pastoral conflicts. The conflicts have tested their relations in these years. The study also proved that marginalization of the pastoralists emanated from the nature of the origin of the states and the nature of state- society relations. This has existed since their creations. The nature of the governments of both states that have been characterized by domination, ineqUality, non- democratic or autocratic nature is the main cause for the insignificance of the impacts. There are various sources of the cross-border pastoral conflict that made the area conflict prone. They include; the natural resource degradation, population increase especially due to refugee concentration, governance problems, continuation of the marginalization and others. Overall, this study is important because it relates two contradictory issues (cross- border pastoral conflict and peaceful diplomatic relations) . The marginalization of the pastoralists negatively affected the lives of the pastoral society in all aspects. Moreover, it also proved that the impact of cross border pastoral conflicts on the bi-lateral relations has been insignificant.Item Cause and Consequences of Human Trafficking to the Middle East: The Role of Government in Tackling the Problem(Addis Ababa University, 2007-05) Yigzaw, Asfaw; Birhanu, Kassahun (PhD)Item Significance and Dynamics of African Unity(Addis Ababa University, 2007-07) Zenebe, Abdi; Mathcws, K.(Prof.)The leading concepts associated w,' It African unity today are Pan-Afn'canism and Afllcan Renaissance. In pariicular, the id(',,1 of African unity is historically associated with PanAfricnaism. This ques t for African Unity, as embodied in Pan-Afllcanism, can be traced back to more than two centurles . Similarly, its new version pioneered by South Africa, Af'lcan Rellaissance calls for and J!l'opagates the regeneration and Unity of Africa. The quest for Unity as a whole is necessitated by a desire to change Africa's poor economic and political conditions as welf as 10 put a strong resistance against externa l exploitation African Unification is a stra tegy th"t has the potential to remove many of the scourges the continent is facing as well as the illfighting among Africans and to create an atmosphere that will enable African counl11es resist, more effectively, the increasing foreign pressure. The advocates of African unity on the one hand believe that the disunity of the continent is responsible for continued foreign manipulation, exploitation and n·valry between IIfricans liwt us ually elupt into armed confrontation. On the other hand, a united Africa will have the capability to f eed itself, through organized efforts, breaking the long chain of dependellcy a ll ci e nhclIlciny the I\Jilcali condition in the international arena. l3eYlllllllt£] III eorly 19605 there IS II lCreUSl1 tg agreement about. the s ignificance of continental ullificalion Jor A{nca. III part icular, the d ebate to forge unity was at its height in the early yeors (~r independence. HowelJer, the move to JO '-'l1 an immediate integration /os l g roulld (IS ri,e 1/ 1(I}o ri/y oI I //(~ /lew heads of s tales d e cided to a elopt a 'graelLlalis!' or step by step approach to unity. This was the base that s et up the f irst all encompassing ('ollline n/a! ins /itutiol1 i.e. the Organization of the Afn·can Unity in ] 963. III 1991 Afn·call cOl llllries decided 10/onl1 AI ricnn Economic Community 10 hasten rhe integration prograrn. !\frico/! regiOllol eCOIlOflllC COrrU7lLlllities are seen as 'pilla rs ' Jar the ultimate achievement of African Unity by the latest continental organization, the African Union, established ill 2002. However, there are sell0us obstacles to make the unification of Africa possible. These obstacles generally can be divided into two broader categories; external and internal. The external challenges include foreign intervention, dependency, colonial legacy, debt and intematiollal regionalism. The internal impediments include conflict, poverty, lacle o/political will and institutional weakness, among others. Notwithstanding, there are new emerging continental phenonlena that can be seen as oppolwnities for AJrlCC1 to achieve ils goal of political unification. Among these the demise of Apartheid which placed South Africa in the forefront in various continental affairs; the renewed commitment by the heads oJ-Afllcan states to speed up the integration process expressed in the formation of African Union and adoption of NEPAD are s ignificant. More illlportantly the recent proposal f or lite establis hmellt of a Un ited States of Afn'ca by 2015 practically '-eplaced the dis enchantme nt. concerning the integration oJ AJn"cQ with renewed ell thus/ClsTl1. !\ccordingly. AIricw l countries dis cus s ed, at Accra, in early July 2007, on the .t\l/'s prnposnl (or Unioll Ccwenr nw nt. which would be a political transitory arrangeme nt towards tile Ullileci Siotes oIl\j;-ira . The p roposal set out th ree succes sive phases toward es/abhs /lllly til<' Ull iled Sta tes o/,lIji1ca. The firs t phose, f rom 2007-2009, targets to set Lip (I con /lI1enlOl gOIJerl1 l1ten l. The second pho se. i. e. j i·om 2009 to 20 12, Jocuses on ma k ing the cOIl/.inelllol gouer/ll/le l7 l J Il If!) Junctiona l nnd preporil tg Q constitutional f ramework for (J,llted States o[ IIf/lm. Tile tl ll'rei p hase, f rom 201 2 to 201 S, aims to create all es sential s tru clures Jor the United Stale of Afn·ca at co unlry} regional and continental leve ls . The summit gave majority support for the gradualist approach, but it has agreed to set up a road map alld a time frame for a union government. This exemplifies the growing significance of Afn'can unily for the future prosperity of Africa.Item The Oromo Iiatioiial Questioii aid its Implicatioiis for Liter-State Relatioins in the Horn of Africa(Addis Ababa University, 2007-11) Beyene, Berhanu; Gudina, Merera (PhD)This study is about the problem of the Oromo national Question and its implications for inter-state relations in the Horn. From the time of its emergence (1960s) and transformation into national self-determination (1970s) onwards, though there have been changes of different Ethiopian regimes with various political discourses, the Oromo national question has not yet been given proper attention and consequently remained unabated. The regimes have been using the military approach rather than opting constructive solutions for it. Ever since in general and currently in particular, however, the Oromo struggle for national self-determination has been going on - even growing much deeper, wider and stronger. This has remained one of the main sources of the political crisis not only in Ethiopia but also in the Horn region adversely affecting the country's relations with its immediate neighboring states. The main objective of this study is, therefore, to examine the implications of the Oromo struggle for the Ethiopian relations with the neighbors and the overall region as a whole. To achieve this objective, descriptive method is used to analyze qualitative data gathered from secondary resouresItem Peace and Security Partnership Between the European Union and the African Union: Progress and Challenges(Addis Ababa University, 2010-05) Sebsibe, Abiyu; Venkatarman, M. (PhD)The 2007 EU- AU Summit has heralded the inauguration of multiple partnerships between Africa and Europe. Subsequently, issues of peace and security have become among the major dimensions of the Joint Africa-EU Strategy adopted at the end of the summit. A number of goals are declared in this respect and believed to be implemented by means of peace and security partnership with its Action Plan that ran from 2008 to 2010. The plan identifies three priority actions to be executed in three years time. Using a qualitative research methodology, this thesis has evaluated the implementation process of this Action Plan and the progress achieved to date. Moreover, a critical analysis is made on the challenges that the partnership encountered so far. The evaluation has found that the two partners have registered a limited success in realising what they envisaged under their plan. This is particularly true for the goal set to fully operationalise the African Peace and Security Architecture by the year 2010. This has been at the heart of the first Action Plan. The thesis has come up with five major challenges that led to the limited progress. First is the low level of cooperation between the peace and security structures of the African sub-regions and that of the African Union. The AU takes sub-regional bodies as building blocks of its continental peace and security architecture but the level of interaction between the two is not to the desired extent. The second one is the insistence on the myths and rhetoric of African ownership of the peace and security project in the continent. Africa and its organisations, for different reasons, are not up to the task of assuming the ownership status and the thesis has attempted to show how this ill-timed claim for ownership poses a challenge for the partnership. The third challenge is lack of consistency and coherence between EU’s policies on one hand and its members on the other. There are times when the official European policies come to clash and compete with national interests of individual states. The fourth is over emphasis on the military dimension of the partnership at the expense of other important endeavours notably the structural instability in African states. Here, there is a strong tendency of emphasising on traditional security over the desperately needed human security in Africa. The last challenge is the role that the policies and actions of third parties have on peace and security in Africa. There are major actors whose involvement in Africa has repercussions on the EU-AU relations in general and the peace and security partnership in particular. The challenge posed by two of these actors is discussed and analysed in the thesis.Under these challenges and elsewhere in the thesis, the asymmetrical inter-regionalism that prevails between the two actors and its implication on the effectiveness of the partnership in peace and security has been highlighted and analysed.Item Changes and Continuities in Ethio Us Security Relationships(Addis Ababa University, 2011-04) Debela, Feleke; Kefale, Asnake(PhD)International relations as a discipline that studies the interactions between and among states have gripped the attention of many scholars. These scholars have derived different theories and principles that are presumed to result in smoother and cooperative relations between and among states. Despite the development of diverse theories and principles of international relations, contacts between and among states have not been as contemplated by those good wishing scholars. In this regard, the coherent nature of international relations- cooperation and conflict-have persistently continued. Plus, these features of international relations are still governing the trends of relations between states. Ethio-US relation is not an exception in this regard. The century old relations between Ethiopia and the United States have so far been traversing through these controversial features- conflict and cooperation. The cooperative features of the Ethio-US relations have contributed to the buildup and the continuity of the cordial relations. On the other hand, the conflicting characteristic of the relations between the two countries have brought in changes in the manner of the relations from a friendly type to an unfriendly mode, or have contributed to the shaping of unpleasant and hostile relations. This essay endeavors to identify the factors that have contributed to the continuity of the friendly relations between the United States and Ethiopia. On the other hand, the factors that have resulted in changes in the gracious relations between the two countries have also been scrutinized. The methodology applied to gather the data is a qualitative one. This method is put in use because; the data used in conducting the research is totally related to words observations, and the approach has been analyzing and interpreting the data. By examining, analyzing and interpreting the data the thesis has identified the factors of Ethio-US security relations. Accordingly, the Kagnew Communication Base, the secessionist group in Eritrea, the Republic of Somalia before and after its disintegration, the Cold War phenomena, the end of the Cold War and the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the geo-political position of Ethiopia, and the international political system have been identified as the major ones. These factors of relations have played different roles in shaping the relations to continue either in a friendly fashion or to change the mode of the relationsItem Eastern Nile Basin: The Nexus between Water Sharing and Benefit Sharing Arrangements(Addis Ababa University, 2011-04) Abebe, Zerihun; Tesfaye, Aaron (PhD)The main objective of this thesis is analyzing the nexus between water sharing and benefit sharing approaches in the context of Eastern Nile Basin. While water sharing as an approach is associated with the volumetric allocation of water, benefit sharing is seen as an alternative approach which is based on the sharing of benefits from the uses and non-uses of water. In (Eastern) Nile Basin both approaches has been go parallel. The water sharing approach has to do with the Cooperative Framework Agreement (CFA); which is meant an agreement that turndown the unfair status quo which bases itself in old bilateral or colonial agreements, and installed a system based on the principle of equitable and reasonable utilization. The recently popularized benefit sharing approach in Eastern Nile Basin has also adopted through the different projects prepared by Eastern Nile Technical Regional Office (ENTRO), which is a technical wing of the Eastern Nile Subsidiary Action Program (ENSAP). The different positions, policies and strategies adopted by the Eastern Nile Basin states (Egypt, Ethiopia, Sudan), however, are at odds and contradicting. While Ethiopia needs to change the unfair status quo and then to manage the Nile water together on equal footing, Egypt and Sudan wants to continue with the status quo by keeping the water they divided between themselves intact. Hence, it should be clear that the benefit sharing approach to be fruitful necessitates some conditions such as peaceful hydropolitical relations between riparians, generally agreed agreement on the water itself, trust and confidence etc which is lacking in the Eastern Nile Basin. Therefore, without meeting such conditions, any attempt at joint projects is short term solution and does not address the fundamental problems. Therefore, by analyzing the gap between the two approaches and their practicality on the ground with the existing situation, this study has come up with four scenarios in relation to the two approaches mentioned; water sharing and benefit sharing arrangements. These are, water sharing agreement without benefit sharing arrangement, benefit sharing arrangement without water sharing agreement, benefit sharing arrangement pending water sharing agreement and two agreements of water sharing and benefit sharing arrangements. Among the above scenarios, coming up with two agreements of water sharing and benefit sharing arrangements between the riparian states is a solution in solving the dispute over the Nile. Therefore, the signing of the CFA by all riparian states that destroys the real impediment of cooperation is a precondition for further upstream-downstream cooperation. Nevertheless, the divergent position of the riparians and their contradictory Nile policies and strategies have proved that unilateralism will remain the rule of the game till the near future and breedsconflict in the Eastern Nile Basin. Key words: Eastern Nile, water shariItem Post 1991 Ethio-China Economic Cooperation with Particular Reference to Trade and Road Construction(Addis Ababa University, 2011-04) Amare, Tefera; Mathews, K. (PhD)Economic cooperation plays a key role in promoting sustainable development and it is also a major element of international cooperation. Based on this fact, the main objective of this study was to examine post 1991 Ethio-China economic cooperation with particular reference to trade and road construction. The study used both quantitative and qualitative methodologies to assess the economic and political ties. Data were also collected both from primary and secondary sources. The economic cooperation between the two countries has shown improvement since the period under discussion. The major contributing factors for this are, the change of economic policies in Ethiopia following the change in leadership, China’s growing economic and political interests in Ethiopia and in Africa at large, the strengthened ties between the two governments based on common outlook of the ‘developmental state’, and the Chinese non-intervention policy. After critical analysis of trade data between Ethiopia and China, this paper empirically proved that Ethiopia incurs huge deficit in its trade with China in the period under decision. The result from cross sectional data sources, i.e. secondary sources, official reports and interviews, reveal that Ethiopia’s export to China is much short of its imports from that country. Although trade figures show that there are improvements in the country’s export, still the trade balance is largely in favor of China. Dependence on the export of few primary products, weak export performance and geographic factors are among the reasons for the country’s trade deficit. This paper has also found that the engagement of Chinese construction firms in Ethiopia is much greater than companies from other countries. Currently about 70 percent of the construction in the country is being carried out by the Chinese enterprises. The low bid price these Chinese firms offer to carryout projects, the favorable environment for investment in Ethiopia, and the relative peace and stability in the country are attributed to the dominance of the Chinese firmsItem World Trade Organization and its Implication for the Agricultural Sector of Less Developed(Addis Ababa University, 2011-04) Leta, Alemu; Venkataraman, M. (PhD)The World Trade Organization (WTO) which was established in 1995 is a landmark development in the history of international trade in agriculture. Before its establishment, trade in agriculture has been distorted and not liberalized. But due to the coming into effect of the Uruguay round Agreement on Agriculture (AOA), trade in agriculture has been fully liberalized. However, despite its establishment one could observe several drawbacks in fully realizing the benefit from being part of it. This is particularly so with the Less Developed Countries (LDCs) who have been caught between the need for developing their agricultural and industrial base on the one hand and unable to secure the benefits from their membership on the other hand. The central objective of the study, therefore, is to analyze the implications of WTO for the agricultural sector on selected less developed countries and to draw lessons for Ethiopia. The research was undertaken by raising some guiding questions such as Does membership to the WTO benefit the agricultural sector of LDCs? What lessons Ethiopia can learn from the experience of LDCs? To understand the extent to which membership in the WTO have implications for LDCs, the study employed qualitative approach. In order to do that, data from the experience of Nepal and Uganda has been gathered from primary and secondary sources and analyzed. The finding of the study reveals that under the existence of internal and external factors membership in the WTO could not benefit the agriculture sector of LDCs. Internally, lack of surplus products, diversification, infrastructure, quality product, technology and sufficient capital are the major factors that hinder the benefit of being a membership. Along with these, the study identified that there are external factors, like domestic support, export subsidy, tariff and non-tariff barriers which are practiced in developed countries that could affect the benefit of membership. The study concludes that Ethiopia which has the same agricultural context with other LDCs could face the same problemItem The Role of Private Military and Security Companies in African Conflicts: With Particular Reference to the Conflicts in Sierra Leone and Angola(Addis Ababa University, 2011-04) Gizaw, Eyasu; Adebo, Tarekegn(PhD)This thesis discusses the role and the involvement of Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs) in the conflicts in Sierra Leone and Angola. The involvement of PMSCs in the conflicts in question was fundamentally facilitated by state weakness and regime insecurity. Regimes in both countries played a crucial role in inviting foreign private military forces in the wake of rebellion against the regimes. The paper employed qualitative, explanatory and descriptive research methodology. The data gathering method utilized is secondary sources which include books, articles, official documents and other publications. The study’s main findings include: first, the involvement of PMSCs in the conflicts in Sierra Leone and Angola challenges (at least in the context of weak states in Africa), the traditional realist assumption in IR that the state is the exclusive actor that enjoys monopoly on legitimate use of force; second, in African conflicts in general and in the conflicts in Sierra Leone and Angola in particular the involvement of PMSCs is linked with the exploitation of strategic mineral resources such as diamonds, oil, coltan and others; third, though PMSCs are hired by their clients to end conflicts, the study shows that such entities in fact escalate conflicts; fourth, the study revealed that PMSCs hugely undermine state sovereignty by deploying a competitive and parallel structures of force within a single sovereign jurisdiction. It is assumed in the traditional parlance in IR and political science that conflict is a political process and thereby falls within the public sphere. However, privatization of security removes conflict from the public arena as events in Sierra Leone and Angola have shown. Thus regardless of the claim that PMSCs fill the security void in Africa where public security forces are inept, partial, or both, the involvement and the role of PMSCs in African conflicts in general and the conflicts in Sierra Leone and Angola in particular is a symptom of state failure in terms of provision of security to the people, protection of territory and resources. It is therefore believed that privatization of security in the form of PMSCs surrogates the state in Africa and has deleterious effect in one of the core responsibilities of the stateItem The Political Economy of Democratization and FederalizingMulti-Ethnic States in Sub Saharan Africa: The Post Cold Years in Reference to Ethiopia and Nigeria(Addis Ababa University, 2011-04) Adem, Anwar; M., Venkataraman(Associate Professor)In the study of International Relations, the end of cold war marked a turning point, inaugurated a new era, and undoubtedly disclosed the need to puff out and contend with recent set of political and economic practices and developments in international relation. With significant changes that ranges from the undermining of state sovereignty and the Westphalian state system to the disappearance of bipolar geopolitics, the end of cold war, transcending the usual core categories of the nation-state, blurred the sharp distinction between internal and external causes of national development, and replaced it by a notion of interaction within larger systems. Democratic revival and/or “wave” of democratic transition is mentioned at the forefront among the fascinating endings of the cold war years. This has, indisputably, consequential connotation in the “Third World” in general and sub-Saharan Africa in particular. Nevertheless, the end of cold war, as well, witnessed the consolidation of global capitalist order that long been contemplated as unfavorable to political and economic advancement of Africa south of the Sahara. The ideology of ‘neo-liberalism’ with its political component of liberal democracy and its economic component of free-market/enterprise became the dominant modes of thought and action within the global political economy. Hence, sub-Saharan African states, which are characterized by the problems of political instability, economic backwardness, ethno-cultural division and political and economic inequality, state building and national consensus, and state weakness and inefficiency found themselves in international position and under international scrutiny and the post cold war democratization has got unprecedented implication. Consequently, with the failure of centralized nation-state regimes and/or institutions, federal political system have been viewed as an alternative to strengthen democratic transitions in ethnically divided states and thereby bring about political and economic change through power sharing and regional autonomy. Thus, this thesis has endeavored to look at the interplay of the democratization and federalization in multi-ethnic states of sub-Saharan Africa in a political economy approach, and the post cold war years in a reference to Ethiopia and Nigeria in a comparative analysis. Before a resort to discuss the reinforcement, an attempt is made to briefly discuss and appraise the problematic of the nature of state, and internal and external influences for democratization in the sub-continent. A comparative analysis of Ethiopia and Nigeria is carried out based on their federal constitutional arrangement, fiscal federalism and the party system. To carry out the analysis, the 1995 Ethiopian and the 1999 Nigerian constitutions are used in supplementary with secondary sources. The analysis of the thesis found out that there is a reinforcement and interplay of democratization and federalizing ethnically divided states in sub-Saharan Africa, and a federal structuring and restructuring of institutions increases the possibilities for state efficiency, regional autonomy of ethno-cultural groups, power decentralization and political and economic equality and hence strengthens popular democracy. However, externally sub-Saharan African states are compelled to the ‘neo-liberal’ version of electoral and elitist democracy that appears inadequate to redress the inherent political and economic problems in ethnically divided and economically backward states of sub-Saharan Africa. Internally, although the federal system in both Ethiopia and Nigeria is rightly formalized in the constitution and aims at enhancing democratizing the state and pacifying ethnic tension , still there is a kind of power centralization at the center, which encumbered accountability of the government to the mass. The meager power of the regional states, concentration of fiscal power on the federal government, and domination of power by the ruling party at the center led to a disjuncture between a political superstructure manifested by elitist and electoral democracy and the promises of federal political system; regional autonomy, equitable resource distribution, mass empowerment and popular democracy at the base