IPSS Theses and Dissertations

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A Comparative Content Analysis of Pro- Government and Pro-TPLF Social Media Activism in the Context of Ethiopia’s 2020-2022 Civil War
(Addis Ababa Unversity, 2024-06) Ermias Getachew; Mr. Yonas Tariku
This thesis is a comparative content analysis of Pro- government and Pro- TPLF activists during the war and after the signing of the Agreement on Permanent Cessation of Hostilities, also known as the Pretoria Agreement, in the context of the 2020-2022 Ethiopian civil war. The study argues that unlike the military confrontation in the ground, those Pro-government and Pro-TPLF activists played major role in amplifying and exacerbating the war through the social media warfare. It further argues that the involvement of different actors behind each Pro-government and Pro-TPLF activists makes the technological warfare and weaponization trend of social network more complicated and dangerous to sustained peace. The study concludes based on the findings that greater efforts are needed to ensure new mechanisms to understand the nature, role, and dynamics of social media warfare. Therefore, media literacy work and professional engagement in this field has to be seriously considered.
Addressing the Moyale Conflicts in Southern Ethiopia: Challenges and Prospects
(Addis Ababa University,, 2016-06) Melkamu Sintayehu; Ahmed Hassen (PhD)
The theme of this study is concerned with addressing the conflicts of the Moyale town in southern Ethiopia. There has been conflicts in Moyale and its environs since early times. However, the nature of the conflict has changed in recent decades, both in its actual subject-matter and in the form of its expression. The conflicts were obviously not the usual fights between pastoral communities over pasture, water source or cattle raid. As a result, the study is aimed at identifying the actors, the factors and the interplay between different dimensions of the Moyale conflicts. Qualitative case study method and descriptive design were used to this end. The analysis is also framed using theories of ethnicity and ethnic mobilizations. The finding indicates that the conflicts in Moyale and its environs shaped and re-shaped by historic and ongoing socio-economic and political developments. The Borana, the Garri and the Gabra found to be parties in conflict while other actors such as the OLF, Al-Shabab, Business Men, Community elites, Security forces from both the Ethiopian and the Kenyan sides involved in the conflicts of the area. The factors of the conflicts also includes Land Ownership and Blurred Frontier Demarcations, Politicized Ethnicity and Elite Mobilization, the Location of Moyale and Unenforceable Citizenship Rights. The efforts of achieving lasting peace held back due to the Socio-economic and Political developments, focus on the Immediate factors of the conflict, the Proliferation of Small Arms, Lack of commitment from Local Elites and the Regional Dimension of the conflicts. At the same time, the recent measures of the government upon local elites, the mental set-up of the community for peace, increased dependency on legal instruments and joint planning and execution of social services found to be windows of opportunities in dealing with the conflicts of the area. In general, the study concludes that the conflicts in the town of Moyale and its environs are the result of a number of actors and factors. And also have a peculiar features which cannot be addressed in terms of pastoralist conflicts of the region and calls for a shift of focus to a deeper level, beyond the surface factors, where the underlying factors are directly addressed.
Addressing the Moyale Conflicts in Southern Ethiopia: Challenges and Prospects
(Addis Ababa University, 2016-06) Sintayehu, Melkamu; Hassen, Ahmed (PhD)
The theme of this study is concerned with addressing the conflicts of the Moyale town in southern Ethiopia. There has been conflicts in Moyale and its environs since early times. However, the nature of the conflict has changed in recent decades, both in its actual subject-matter and in the form of its expression. The conflicts were obviously not the usual fights between pastoral communities over pasture, water source or cattle raid. As a result, the study is aimed at identifying the actors, the factors and the interplay between different dimensions of the Moyale conflicts. Qualitative case study method and descriptive design were used to this end. The analysis is also framed using theories of ethnicity and ethnic mobilizations. The finding indicates that the conflicts in Moyale and its environs shaped and re-shaped by historic and ongoing socio-economic and political developments. The Borana, the Garri and the Gabra found to be parties in conflict while other actors such as the OLF, Al-Shabab, Business Men, Community elites, Security forces from both the Ethiopian and the Kenyan sides involved in the conflicts of the area. The factors of the conflicts also includes Land Ownership and Blurred Frontier Demarcations, Politicized Ethnicity and Elite Mobilization, the Location of Moyale and Unenforceable Citizenship Rights. The efforts of achieving lasting peace held back due to the Socio-economic and Political developments, focus on the Immediate factors of the conflict, the Proliferation of Small Arms, Lack of commitment from Local Elites and the Regional Dimension of the conflicts. At the same time, the recent measures of the government upon local elites, the mental set-up of the community for peace, increased dependency on legal instruments and joint planning and execution of social services found to be windows of opportunities in dealing with the conflicts of the area. In general, the study concludes that the conflicts in the town of Moyale and its environs are the result of a number of actors and factors. And also have a peculiar features which cannot be addressed in terms of pastoralist conflicts of the region and calls for a shift of focus to a deeper level, beyond the surface factors, where the underlying factors are directly addressed.
An Assessment of Hate Speech, Social Media and Violence in Ethiopia: The Case of Facebook and Youtube
(Addis Ababa University, 2021-08) Adem Jemal; Fana Gebresenbet (PhD)
This research aimed at assessing hate speech, social media and violence in the Ethiopia: The case of Facebook and YouTube. The study tries to explore hate speech, social media and violence landscape, mainly categorizing the context of hate speech and violent incident scenarios into two major phenomenon. Firstly, the periods from 2014 up to the reform was considered as a time of social movement or protest, particularly protest by Qeerroos of Oromo, Fannos of Amhara, and Ejjettos of Sidama ethnic groups. In these periods, hate speech rhetoric was against the EPRDF regime-led by TPLF. The second phenomenon, which came after the reform, hate speech context seems to have changed to ethnic and religious aspects. Because in the name of freedom of speech, some politicians started to misuse, and employ social media platform, particularly Facebook and YouTube to express hate speech rhetoric, and disseminate rumor as well as disinformation messages. Moreover, to achieve the thesis‟ objective, the researcher employed explanatory and narrative qualitative research design. Most importantly, data has been collected through interview, Focus group Discussion from politicians, senior officials of Oromia communication Bureau as well as Addis Standard experts and journalists. Based on the data analyzed, the finding of the study indicated that multi-faceted factors which can be categorized as underlying and triggering factors incited violent incident in Ethiopian politics. The underlying factors include historical grievances, the injustice system, institutional ineffectiveness, lack of common understanding and national consensus. Moreover, the rumor message dispersed online, misuse of social media platforms, mainly Facebook and YouTube, some political activist‟s and insurrectionist group‟s irresponsible characteristics of expressing hate speech rhetoric content to others on social media as well as perpetrators‟ political culture of taking little death and exaggerating online has triggered violence in Ethiopian political system. Hence, information gathered from the participant informants indicated that violent incidents were mainly exacerbated due to these underlying, and fueling violence instigative factors.
Analyzing Intellegence Reform in Ethiopia: The Case of Ethiopian National Intelligence and Security Services
(Addis Ababa University,, 2021-08) Tolera Gudina; Daniel Gebreegziabher (PhD)
The purpose of this study examines how a series of Ethiopian national Intelligence and Security Service reforms implemented from 1991 to 2018 contributed to its professionalization. To attain this objective, the study employed a qualitative research methodology. In-depth interviews and public document reviews were used to collect primary data. Moreover, for secondary data, appropriate literature is consulted. The findings of the study revealed that the intelligence institution has made two reforms from 1991-2018 being forced by the revolution and professionalization of the institution; the first one was made from 1991-1995 and the second one was made from 2008-2013 which was made in the form of BPR. It also shows that Ethiopian National Intelligence and Security Service have faced numerous challenges. The first and foremost important factor that hampered the effectiveness of the institution was the lukewarm proclivity to build a politically independent, strong, and people-oriented institution. The study indicated that despite a series of reforms made to improve the effectiveness of the institution particularly from 1991 to 2018, no significant improvement was made in relation to the independence of the institution. In line with this, it asserted that the intention of EPRDF was not to improve the effectiveness of the institution in ensuring the fundamental rights and security of citizens, rather making sure to serve as a guardian of the party’s lust for the perpetuation of power. Moreover, the recruitment criteria prioritized the candidate's loyalty to be hired in the institution than considering merit-based criteria. Thereby, it is partisanship, not merit that had been entertained in the institution. Concerning the institution’s problems, the institution did not hesitate to violate citizens’ fundamental rights if citizens were critical of the ruling party. Despite its terrible problems, the intelligence institution had success in tackling international terrorist organizations. To overcome the challenges, the country should establish a politically independent institution that is more concerned with the welfare of the people than with the interests of the ruling party.
Assessment of Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) Initiatives in the Context of Security Sector Reform (SSR) in Ethiopia (since 2018): Achievements, Challenges, and Prospects
(Addis Ababa UNiversity, 2024-06) Temesgen Tadewos; Yohannes Tekalign(PhD)
This study assesses the Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) initiatives in the context of SSR in Ethiopia since 2018. It primarily examines the Drivers, achievements, challenges, and prospects of these initiatives, basically focusing on the SSR in the Defense force and the other crucial project of DDR in the context of the war in Tigray and the case of Disarming the special force, which are crucial for post-conflict peacebuilding and state-building efforts in the country. The study employs qualitative method and primary and secondary sources to gather relevant data. The analysis of the data obtained various sources indicate that the security reform that started in 2018 achieved some important outcomes but the same can‘t be said for the DDR process, it is possible to mention some of the achievement of the SSR for example the reform came up with a proclamation that is strong which can motivate members of the national defense force, the reform also removed TPLF dominance in the security sector, In addition to that the reform came a different branch of the defense force which is the naval force. The findings also show that there are significant challenges the DDR initiatives faced such as the lack of a comprehensive national strategy, limited institutional capacity, and the continued fragmentation of the security sector. The study underscores that there is a need for a more holistic and integrated approach to DDR and SSR, addressing the root causes of conflict and fostering inclusive and DDR participatory processes.
Assessment of The Au’s Challenge on the Operationalization of the Continental Early Warning System: Internal and External Factors
(Addis Ababa University,, 2023-06) Gebriala Hilawe; Ahmed Hassen (PhD)
This thesis entitled “Assessment of the AU‟s challenge on the operationalization of the continental early warning system: internal and external factors” was conducted with the objective to identify internal and external factors that affects the performance of the continental early warning system of the African Union. Early warning systems are necessary for detecting, analyzing, and addressing potential conflicts before they escalate into severe outcome. When used effectively, EWS helps prevent human suffering, reduce economic loss, and enhance the efficiency of humanitarian aid efforts. The African Union's Continental Early Warning System intended to monitor and provide early warnings on potential conflicts in the continent. However, it has been plagued with multiple challenges to its performance over the last two decades; hence the advantage of researches such as this thesis is immense in terms of identifying the factors that challenge the subject and make appropriate recommendations for better performance. To this end, this qualitative explanatory research method used key informants who are experts on the field of Security Studies, Diplomacy and International relations which were identified and purposefully selected to participate in the thesis. The ten participants in this thesis research were subsequently, interviewed or given open ended questionnaires to fill out. In the end, their response analyzed to identify the factors affecting the subject understudy‟s performance, why these factors are persisting over the years and recommendations for better performance were derived from the data. Moreover, prior studies by other researchers, press briefing, journal articles and online sources properly used as part of literature review; and, to make sense of the data. This thesis has further found that despite its significance for the continent, the continental early warning system faced challenge such as early warning and early response gap, lack of proper funding and problematic sources of funding, from AU‟s forms as a Weak and bureaucratic institution, unclear and overlapping responsibilities between the AU and RECs, organizational inefficiencies and recent restructuring. This study has also discovered that the main reasons that these challenges are persisting are lack of proper funding and lack of political will at the African Union. This is something that must be addressed to enhance the effectiveness of the continental early warning system in preventing and managing conflicts.
Barriers Impacting Human Security of Persons with Disabilities in Addis Ababa: Implications for Policy Intervention
(Addis Ababa University, 2021-05) Asfaw Kasa; Taddesse Berisso (PhD)
This dissertation argues that indirect and subtle violence by city planners and administrators poses a range of human security challenges to the everyday experiences of persons living with disabilities from now (PWDs) in urban environment of Addis Ababa. The objective of this study was to examine barriers to daily lives of urban inhabitants of PWDs. Qualitative research approach was used to conduct this investigation. Data were collected through in depth interview with individuals with disabilities (24), government officials and experts (12), and leaders of associations of disability groups (4) and 7 focus group discussions (FGDs). Purposive and snowball samplings were participants selection techniques employed to select potential informants who could share their knowledge and experiences by participating in interview and FGDs. As a visually impaired person who is working and living in Addis Ababa, my personal lived experiences and the comments of participants on International Disability Day (2018 and 2019) were used to crosscheck the information collected by means of interview and FGDs. Policy and legal documents were used to analyze how far disability was legally protected and empowered at institutional level. Data was analyzed qualitatively using thematic method of data analysis. One of the central results of this study is the realization of the dire situation of urban inhabitants of PWDs because of the poorly built environment of Addis Ababa. The findings of this study demonstrated that structural violence manifested through structures of environment hampering accessibility and how PWDs are socially and economically valued among the larger community. The results of this study have indicated that the absence of ramps, elevators, audio communications, disability-friendly vehicles, crossings with marked visual signals, vicious vacancy announcements, and broken pavements are source of human insecurity of PWDs. The implication of this study is the need to humanize the physical and social environment of Addis Ababa with the goal of maintaining the well-being of PWDs. One way of improving the built infrastructure and make it more friendly to PWDs is to change the attitudes of concerned stakeholders, including policy and decision makers, legislatures and the society at large, to break the cultural structures which view PWDs as worthless and to be pitted, not to be supported and empowered with the intention of enabling them to lead independent lives. Addressing this social factor will ease the insensitivity of relevant actors to PWDs during planning, design, construction of key infrastructures and during recruitment.
Challenges and Prospects of Combating Illicit Small Arms and Light Weapons Trafficking, The Case of Ethiopian Federal Police Commission
(Addis Ababa University, 2020-06) Tesfay Welay; Mesfin Gebremichael (PhD)
licit trafficking of Small Alarms and Light Weapons is one of the prominent challenges that states and governments suffered from. It is recognized as weapon of mass destruction in contemporary conflicts and the most preferable choice in conflict and crisis situations. The main objective of the study was to explore the challenges and prospects of EFPC in combating illicit firearms trafficking. The study was a qualitative case study using both primary and secondary source of data. Non-random sampling technique which includes purposive and snowball sampling were used. Data were collected through in-depth interview from key informants and Focus Group Discussion with federal law enforcement institutions. Document analysis and observation were also used as sources of data. The study reveals that the trend of illicit firearms trafficking is increasing and remained as key threat to human and state security. Findings of the study identified that, internal political instability, economic factors, regional instability and weak law enforcement responses are major reasons for the increased trend of illicit trafficking of Small Arms and Light Weapon. The findings also show that law enforcement practice of EFPC was weak and challenged by institutional and structural gaps, absence of comprehensive & well-articulated policy and legal frameworks, functional and jurisdictional overlapping, accountability and transparency problems all leading to inadequate law enforcement response. To enhance capacity of the institution in combating illicit trafficking of Small Arms and Light Weapons, the study has recommended the following points. Strengthening capacity of institutions, establishment of dedicated departments and rearranging existing institutional structures, promoting accountability and transparency, maintaining strong multilateral cooperation with neighboring states are the recommendations.
Chinese Investment in Ethiopia and Its Implications to Environmental Security: The Case of Eastern Industry Zone
(Addis Ababa University,, 2019-06) Betremussie Getinet; Yonas Adaye (PhD)
Environmental security, which is very important element of human security, is now highly challenged by investment projects of which industrial sectors are taking the highest share. The large scale influx of FDIs especially in sectors such as manufacturing industries is heightening environmental pressures on the host country. Such FDI related environmental problems may force the people who are originally living around the areas at where those FDIs operated to experience a negative impact on their overall security. This thesis is focuses on the implications of Chinese FDI in Ethiopia to environmental security by taking the case of east industrial zone which is one of the Chinese owned mega investment projects in Ethiopia with a high potential of posing environmental challenges. Many argue that most FDIs conducted by China particularly in developing countries including Ethiopia are always been the subject of criticism most of it deserved. The overall objective of this study is to explore the implications of eastern industrial zone to the wellbeing of the local environment. Qualitative research methods with exploratory research design were adopted. The tools used to gather the data were primary sources (in-depth interviews with members of the community, key informants interview with concerned experts in the area and the issue) and via personal observation. Non probability (purposive and snowball) sampling technique was employed to select the participants. The result of the study reveals that east industrial zone is posing serious environmental threats up on the communities living near around it. Among others, the discharge of untreated wastes and effluents, noise and air pollution and problems associated with its poor drainage system are the major and the most common environmental problems associated with the zone. Such environmental problems which are occurred due to east industrial zone are exposing the local residents for a multitude of economic, social and health problems. According to the study, these environmental challenges are posed mainly because of the irresponsive and negligence behavior of the companies found in the industry zone. Companies in the zone are focusing mainly on earning economic profits at any cost including the environment. The host country‟s weak capacity and commitment for the actual and strict implementation of the existing legal procedures and regulations and to take appropriate responses is also another responsible factor for the occurrence of such environmental pitfalls in that depth. Based on the study result, the researcher therefore recommends for the responsible governmental body to re-examine the actual implementations of the legal investment procedures, and re- adjust them in a way that allows the development of industrial zone in a more efficient and rational manner.
Climate Change, Human Security and Violent Conflict: The Case of Pastoral and Semi-Pastoral Communities in Borena Areas
(Addis Ababa Unversity, 2023-11) Garoma Nefabassa; Bamlaku Tadesse ( Associate Professor)
The entire pastoral and semi-pastoral communities in the Borena Zone are being further undermined by the growing extent and severity of climate change, which also affects human security. The effects of climate change are severe; the cycle of drought is getting shorter and having a bigger influence on pastoral livelihoods. The prior researches have been limited in scope and focused on events or occurrences, making it impossible to thoroughly examine the connections between violent conflict, human insecurity, and climate change, especially in the study area. Thus, it is crucial to do in-depth research to fully comprehend the causes, effects, and connections between human insecurity, violent conflict, and climate change in order to advance our understanding of this topic. And, the sequential explanatory mixed method design has been employed to study the link between climate change, human security and violent conflict to answer the research questions and draw on broader conclusions of findings. Hence, the findings indicate that there has been an alarming increase in climate change; and drought has had a severe impact on human security. And, competition over resources has sporadically resulted in violent conflict, but this only used to occur indirectly following impacts on human situations. The frequency and intensity of conflict has been increasing between different cultures during migration even within international borders while relatively low between similar cultures both within and beyond international borders of the study area. And, despite the fact that demands have been there for decades, pastoral development is exceedingly low due to poor response to pastoral situations.
Community Participation in Security Sector Governance in Post-1991 Ethiopia: The Case of Dire Dawa City Administration
(Addis Ababa University,, 2019-06) Oumer Abdi; Mercy Fikadu (PhD)
In post-1991 Ethiopia, the power center that controls all political groups, is guided by a centrally defined ideology and systematically mobilizes its citizens to realize it, signifying the post-1991 Ethiopia has all attributes of an authoritarian regime. The state underwent major restructuring at the beginning of the 1990s, taking a federal system which replaced a highly centralized state. More specifically, the Ethiopian security sector has been transformed; political changes that happened in the country has led to a new notion of threats and security needs, and the institutional and structural policy framework of the country’s security agencies was brought into position with the new federal system of government. Post-1991, the Transitional Government Charter and FDREnew Constitution brings a new democracy friendly laws and orders which contains a bill of rights which guaranteed freedom, equality and social justice. However, this democratization process has faced implementation challenges and problems from its running bodies. Thisthesis tried to explore the structural and institutional framework for community participation in Ethiopia in general and in Dire Dawa in particular. It tried to identify the extent of public participation, possible opportunities and challenges. It also tried to analyze the effectiveness and efficiency of Dire Dawa police in delivering the security services.The thesis used both primary and secondary sources while conducting the study. The thesis employed triangulation research method i.e. both quantitative and qualitative methods to get balanced and comprehensive answer to the research questions and also fill one’s weakness by the other. The thesis is mainly challenged by the availability of both primary and secondary sources. For this reason, the people’s role or participation in matters of political as well as security remained low both at national level and in Dire Dawa.The study found that there has been structural and institutional shift of paradigm for the need of institutionalizing people’s participation in the security sector governance. In Dire Dawa community policing was implemented in creating space for inclusive community participation. But, this has faced practical implementation problems because it is a top-down approach which is mainly organized based on committee loyal to political ideology of the ruling party.
Community Policing and Its Role in Promoting Human Security: The Case of Dire-Dawa City Administration
(Addis Ababa University,, 2019-06) Habtamu Eshetu; Daniel Gebreegziabher (Ph.D.)
Community policing is a strategy which aims at solving community problems related to physical security by the engagement of the society. The main purpose of the study is to assess the role of community policing in human security in Dire Dawa City Administration (DDCA). To this end, this study employed a mixed case study research approach to examine the role of community policing in the prevention and reduction of crime as well as reversing security threat of the local communities. The data were collected through in-depth interviews, document review, and Focus Group Discussion as well as personal observation, and analyzed using thematic analysis. The participants of this study were selected purposefully based on their experience and active engagement in the implementation of community policing. The result of this study reveals that the implementation of community policing in DDCA plays a crucial role in promoting physical security by preventing and reducing crime and individual security threats. In identifying security problems, both the local community and police engage in accordance with the values of community policing. Moreover, it is featured by accessible, community-oriented and participatory approach. Lack of manpower, shortage of office equipment‟s and assignment of officers beyond their responsibility were identified as problems in the study areas. Therefore, the DDPC should focus on restructuring community policing to incorporate elements of human security in community policing services and support the structure with full equipment and other accessories and also other NGOs and academic institution have to support it.
Community Policing As a Strategy for Conflict Management and Crime Prevention in Kirkos Sub City: A Case Study of Woreda 04 and 05
(Addis Ababa University, 2023-12) Mateyos Amde; Mercy Fekadu (PhD)
Due to population growth, urbanization, rising crime rates, and insufficient logistics and human resources that pose a challenge to Police institution. Therefore, the need for community involvement in crime control is unquestionable and it is touted around the world as a significant strategy for ongoing policing and upcoming improvements aimed at maintaining law and order in communities. The object of the study is to inspect “community policing as a strategy for conflict management and crime prevention in Kirkos Sub City: a case study of Woreda 04 and 05 “. To achieve the objectives of the study, qualitative research method and Case study design used. The main techniques were Key informant interview, Focus Group Discussion, Observations and document analysis. Kirkos sub-cities Woreda 04 and 05 were selected based on purposive sampling techniques. The results of the study show that “community policing” as a conflict management and crime prevention strategy was successful in reducing crimes such as robbery, murder, and rape in two woredas and proved to be a useful system in two districts. The study shows the strength and weakness of “community policing” in crime prevention and conflict management, through arbitration and negotiations. Overall, the study shows that “community policing” has proven useful in conflict management and crime prevention. To ensure greater success, the researcher recommends to the implementer to provide a budget to community policing and youth participation.
Community Resilience, Ethno-Religious Violence, and Sustainable Peacebuilding: A Case Study from Arsi Zone Lode Hetosa Woreda of Oromia National Regional State
(Addis Ababa University, 2022-11) Yidnekachew Mitiku; Taddesse Berisso (Associate Professor); Yonas Adaye (Ph.D
This dissertation examines factors behind the resiliency of the Lode Hetosa Woreda community to pressures of violence in general and ethno-religious violence in particular. We know that these days the widely convincing model for a comprehensive Peacebuilding approach is that identifying a conflict’s causes and triggers must be coupled with efforts to identify local capacities for peace and sources of resilience. Therefore, a conversation on communities’ resilience to pressures of violence isthinking that substantiates the critical role of local capabilities and responses in building sustainable peace. When this study was designed to explore the resilience experience of the Arsi Zone, Lode Hetosa Woreda community to pressures of ethno-religious violence, it was with such acknowledgment. The core argument of the study was founded on the assertion that even in the most challenging situations, there are communities acting to prevent violence from its occurrence by employing local strategies. The Lode Hetosa Woreda community, with this regard, has conveyed a public image of a peaceful society/resiliency to pressures of violence/. Thus, this study placed itself in getting deep into the reasons why the community remained non-violent and how they protect themselves and preserve spaces of non-violence. A related inquiry was on sustaining the community’s resiliency to pressures of violence to build sustainable peace. In exploring the puzzle of non-violence (the absence of ethno-religious related violence) in the community, the study had examined and cross-validated relevant sources. It employed an ontology that relies on a social world of meanings rather than reality. Hence, the assumption in drawing the arguments was that different people might construct meaning differently, even about the same phenomenon (constructivist epistemology). Accordingly, through looking at the specific situations (e.g., historical, political, or socio-cultural specificities) that explain the phenomenon in much greater detail, arguments about the community’s resilience response to pressures of ethno-religious violence were made. Situations that would explain the research questions were examined through the eyes of the participants rather than the eyes of the researcher (Interpretivism was, therefore, the theoretical perspective of the study). Significant findings of the dissertation that refine our existing knowledge include: Local social cohesion, collective security system, and trust networks maintained among the community even under pressures are the basis that made the community resilient to violence; absence of violence in the community may not necessarily imply the community being an “island of unity or harmony,” rather the community’s awareness of imminent threats and their social knowledge to proactively respond to would be the violent situation; continuous pressure to descend the community to violence instead produced a reverse effect of the resiliency of the community by prompting the people even to strengthen their relation, networks and social infrastructure for collective security system; ineffective leadership/broken relationship/ between the community and the local government does not necessarily imply community descending to violence. Challenges to sustaining resiliency of the community to pressures of violence or spaces for intervention in the area include issues related to polarized identity politics/topics related to ethnicity and religion/, issues related to feelings of social “exclusion” and “marginalization”, issues related to “negative” resilience, matters pertaining “everyday” life and issues related to the relationship between the local administration and the community.
Community Role and Engagement in Averting Al Shabaab’s Threat in Ethiopia: The Case of Addis Ababa
(Addis Ababa Unversity, 2023-06) Ashenafi Negash; Mr. Yonas Tariku,
This thesis explores and analyzes the nexus between community role and engagement in averting al Shabaab’s threat in Ethiopia – Addis Ababa. To acquire the relevant data for the study, the researcher employed qualitative research approach. Pertinent data was collected using key informant interviews, focus group discussion, and document review. Using purposive and snowball sampling techniques, interview was made with ten key informants and one focus group discussion, which include seven participants, was also conducted. The sampling techniques were used to choose fitting people who knew of the issue, were well - versed in the subject and felt connected to it the researcher was looking for. The data gathered from the aforementioned sources was triangulated by conducting appropriate document analysis in order to increase the study's credibility. Accordingly, the study argues that Ethiopia’s success in averting al Shabaab’s terrorism threat in Addis Ababa is related with its community – led counter – terrorism approach, which embraces the public as the owner of the fight rather than just a participant in the combat against the security threat posed by the terrorist group. The main factors for successfully averting al Shabaab's security threat in Ethiopia - Addis Ababa are; public education and awareness regarding terrorism threats mainly at residential block levels/grassroots/, community engagement in reporting suspicious activities and amicable public - government engagement on terrorism - related matters. It further argues that the safety and security of Addis Ababa residents cannot be protected by merely engaging Addis Ababa residents; rather, engaging the public from the border to the heart of the country and strengthening partnership with relevant regional and international partners is required. The study concludes that the approach is essential for the residents and local officials of Addis Ababa to peacefully carry out their daily activities. Based on the results of the findings it is recommended that the government should prioritize empowering the public to own the fight against the terrorist group.
Competing Ethnonationalism and Its Implication to National Security in Post-2015 Ethiopia: The Cases of Amhara, Oromo, and Tigrean Ethnonationalism
(Addis Ababa Unversity, 2021-07) Bethelihem Gizachew; Mesfin Gebremichael (Ph.D)
This thesis explores, focusing on competitive nationalism and its implications for national security in post-2015 Ethiopia and taking Oromo, Amhara, and Tigrean nationalism as a case. And further assessed about Competing and sometimes contradictory ethnonationalism perspectives turn into ethnic conflict and when it becomes a challenge to national security. The study reviewed the historical background of nationalism, the types of nationalism, the evolution of ethnonationalism, and the main claim and counterclaim of ethnonationalism movements. Specifically how statements by political elites who have state power exacerbated the political situation. The instability of the post-2015 period caused political instability as well as state instability. Furthermore, the nature of the ethnic-based nationalist movement in Ethiopia has lately generated a rift in the country and a split that can have comprehensive effects on the continuation of the Ethiopian state. The thesis further argues that in the context of Ethiopia, ethnic nationalism and its origin are primarily related to the exclusive ideological narratives of state elites and, in some cases, the state-formation process of the country. This research is purely qualitative and uses an discripituve approach. In doing so, the study used Key informant interviews and Focus group discussions , and also a secondary source to collect the necessary data. The study also explored the cause of the post-2015 popular unrest, who are the actors, and what was the consequence. The thesis also focused on the challenges of Ethiopian national security and the source of the threat. The study followed the realistic approach of linking and interpreting instability to security. To this end, the study examined the absence of an inclusive policy, the absence of a long-term plan, the reluctance to compromise, the problem of hierarchization, mistrust, the inability to forgive, the failure of effective negotiation, institutional politics, lack of real promotion of national identity are the issue need to be addressed.
Conflict Dynamics and Youth-targeted Peacebuilding Process in Oromia National Regional State since 2014: The Case of Nekemte Town
(Addis Ababa University,, 2020-06) Daniel Admasu; Yonas Adaye (PhD)
Centered on the Oromo protests since 2014 and taking Nekemte town as a reference point, this thesis studied the dynamics of conflicts in relation to youth targeted peacebuilding process. This study was purely qualitative and employed an exploratory and evaluative approach. To that end, observation, interview and documentary analysis were used as data collection methods. The youth broadly known by the name Qeerroo in Oromia revolted for structural, intermediate and triggering issues from 2014 to 2018. Since the advent of “reforming agents” and the 3 rd Prime Minister (Abiy Ahmed Ali) of the FDRE in April 2018, some political, legal and economic reforms (peacebuilding initiatives) have been launched. These peacebuilding activities includes, but not limited to, releasing all political prisoners, conducting peace agreement with the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) followed by disarming the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) and establishing peace and reconciliation commission. However, findings showed that the implementation of the 2018 Asmara peace agreement is was problematized hence led to violent conflicts between the regional ruling Oromo Democratic Party (ODP) and OLF. As a result, the disarming process was miscarried, reconciliation initiative became rhetoric thereby youth engagement in the ongoing peacebuilding was overlooked. And this led the youth into a condition of frustration, rejection and befuddlement triggering them to engage in violent protests. In this case, the ongoing peacebuilding was found out ineffective in preventing a relapse into conflicts. To that end, the study figured out that lack of negotiated „road map‟, absence of transparency and neutral third party in the 2018 Asmara peace agreement, lack of trust and evenhandedness in the disarming process of the OLA, failure to devise an effective healing approach and inattention towards an effective youth engagements are the major gaps in the peacebuilding process underway. In this way, the current dynamics in the study area showed that three political parties in Oromia (ODP, OLF and OFC) and affiliated youth wings are the key actors in conflict. Particularly, the study also identified two key emergent armed actors uncommon before 2018 in Nekemte town namely, the disconnected OLA and the clandestine “Hit squad‟ group locally known as “Abba Torbee”. As such, conflict mapping of key actors‟ interactions divulged that armed and unarmed actors are interacting in an interdependent and complex way in Nekemte town in the post-2018 period. In view of the findings, the regional ruling party ODP (Oromia PP) need to make a meaningful departure from the post 1991 order‟s „non-negotiated‟, hostile and intolerant mode of dealing with the OLF and OFC and be committed to engage in a genuine and fully transparent peace negotiation and political consensus. Equally, the regional ruling ODP (Oromia PP) must go beyond rhetoric in devising an effective justice and reconciliation approach so as to sufficiently heal traumas and end mistrust and animosity generated from past conflicts thereby enabling the key political actors and affiliated youth wings „to work harmoniously together‟ in the study area.
Conflict Early Warning and Early Response Mechanisms in Post-1991 Ethiopia: The Case of Oromia and Somali Regional States’ Border Conflict
(Addis Ababa Unversity, 2018-05) Temesgen Bayissa; Tadesse Berisso(Associate Professor); Fekadu Adugna (Associate Professr)
In the last four decades, the international peace agenda has been dominated by debates on conflict prevention. In Africa, the post-Cold War era has witnessed a shift in emphasis from conflict management to conflict prevention. While conflict management focuses on armed aspects of conflict, conflict prevention tries to contain and resolve imminent conflicts by responding to visible signs and indicators. Essentially, the shift is necessitated by the shortcomings of the reactionary rather than proactive nature of conflict management approaches. Irrespective of the paradigm shift towards conflict prevention, Africa in general and the countries of the Horn in particular continue to witness persistent violent conflicts. Conflict early warning and response system as a tool for conflict prevention has assumed more prominence in international conflict prevention platforms such as the United Nations (UN), African Union (AU), and Regional Economic Communities (REC), research institutions and National Governments, including Ethiopia. The adoption of early warning practice in conflict prevention has had its successes and failures. Cases of success are evident in Sierra Leone, while the failure of the International community to contain the genocide in Rwanda has been cited for its failure. This study therefore, primarily examines how the national conflict early warning and response system instituted by MOFPDA has worked or failed to prevent conflicts before it escalates to violent level in Ethiopia taking the Oromia and Somali National Regional States‟ border conflict as a case study. This study argues that the absence of viable and strong institution of early warning systems and response leads to conflict escalation. The study adopts conflict prevention theory propounded by Michael S. Lund (2009) as theoretical framework of analysis. Lund contends that the success of conflict prevention is contingent on the following three assumptions: early response to manifestations of indicators; an all-inclusive, coordinated process of key stages of conflict early warning to mitigate tension or threats to violence; and concerted attempts to transform the root causes of violence. Methodologically, the study employed qualitative research approach and data gathering was made by using interviews, focus group discussions, field observation and analysis of available documents. Empirical data were sourced from cases of the Oromo-Somali border conflicts, using two conflicthotspot districts – Mi‟esso and Moyale. This border area hasexperienced persistent and complex armed conflict. The findings of this study indicate that the federal process has no strong conflict prevention, early warning and response institution. Lack of viable and strong institution for conflict early warning and early response systems – both at National (MOFPDA) and Oromia and Somali Regional States level to prevent the escalation of conflicts at its earlier stage have caused local and regional disputes to grow into violent conflicts. The study further points out that, institutionalizing and strengthening early warning systems will lead to a significant reduction of conflicts along the inter-regional borders. Also, the nature of cooperation and synergy between federal and regional conflict early warning and response mechanisms in the prevention and mitigation of Oromia- Somali border conflict is weak. The centralized policy and decision-making process of the ruling party and lack of impartial institutions for intergovernmental relationship has hindered strong synergy and cooperation between federal and regional governments.
Conflict Transformation and Peacebuilding in Gambella Regional State, Ethiopia
(Addis Ababa University, 2020-03) Gizachew Teshome; Taddesse Berisso (Associate Professor)
The various levels of inter-communal violent conflicts in the Gambella regional state of Ethiopia have their root in the process of state formation, state-society interaction, sociopolitical, socioeconomic, sociocultural factors and state policies spanning over a century. The conflicts have intensified over the past 28 years. This is attributed mainly to the political transformation in Ethiopia in the early 1990 and the civil war in the Sudan and the South Sudan. In response to these violent conflicts that have occurred in the region, a number of attempts at peacebuilding were made at different times. This study investigates the conflict transformation efforts, their marked features and the processes and outcomes of the peacemaking activities as well as the challenges and prospects surrounding the overall process of peacebuilding in post-1991 Gambella. Following an interpretivist approach and using qualitative methods of inquiry, data gathered from members of the local community, experts and officials at regional and federal levels, were critically analyzed. The analysis is situated in the context of intra state and inter-communal conflict, conflict transformation and peacebuilding within Ethiopia’s post-1991 sociopolitical conditions and current policy framing and understanding of conflict and peace, taking the case of Gambella. The study shows that the conflict transformation effort in Gambella is a reactive one, containing violence after its occurrence, and often transient. The activities are focused on giving short-term solutions, treating the symptoms rather than addressing the underlying problems. The use of compensation as a conflict settlement procedure, intervention schemes coming at variance along ethnic lines and levels of conflict in the region and apathy as well as the tendency of complicating issues with politics have been noted as the defining characteristics of the peacemaking schemes. The peacebuilding process in Gambella, it is argued, is not effective both in terms of its response to the immediate peacebuilding needs and in working on the broader, systemic issues that foster and enhance the containment of violence sustainably. The process has not created a mutually beneficial sense of interdependence among the communities and groups involved in conflict in the region and embedded peacemaking activities into institutions that reinforce and sustain them. No fair, coherent and systematic procedures implemented and/or used to guide the process. Actions are governed by arbitrary rules and decisions are made based on undue pressures or emotions, rather than on their merit. As such, the findings of this study revealed that the conflict transformation efforts have been less successful, if not a total failure. And a range of factors militated against the process of peacebuilding in post-1991 Gambella, not least, the approach adopted in building peace; the nature and/or manner of third-party interventions; the nature of the political opportunity structure; the nature of the conflicts and the socioeconomic conditions in the region; leadership problems; the spillovers from the neighboring South Sudan as well as weak normative and institutional frameworks.

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