IPSS Theses and Dissertations

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The Challenges of Post-conflict Peace Building in Africa (With Focus on Rwanda)
(Addis Ababa University, 2009-06-01) Dechasa Gurmu; Marcel Leroy
In 1992, the former UN Secretary-General, Boutros Boutros Ghali, introduced the concept of Post-conflict Peace Building in his document known as 'An Agenda for Peace'. The new concept of post-conflict peace building which encompasses multi-faceted programs that are geared towards sustainable peace and development is a result of this document. Africa has been the victim of confl icts first due to the colonial wars and later on due to civil wars between rival political parties and ethnic groups. On top of this, the peace agreements that arc made are often violated and conflict relapse takes place. This problem is the focus of this research. The research explores why post-conflict African states often fail to achieve sustainable peace. It follows that exploring the challenges to post-conflict peace bui lding becomes the objective of the research. It is mainly a quaJitative research of secondary data in which African conflicts and their impacts as well as the post-confl ict peace building chaJlenges were reviewed. Reference was made to books, journaJs, papers and websites that focus on these issues. The research is focused mainly on the conflict in Rwanda that includes the horrific events of the genocide and its aftennath of post-conflict peace building efforts. Alongside the investigation of the conflict and post-conflict peace building activities in Rwanda, a brief overview of the conflicts and post-conflict situations of Mozambique and Angola were taken for the sake of comparing the progress of confl icts and peace building opportunities and constraints in different socio-economic, cultural, politica1, and country specific situations. Moreover, key-informant data from a few Rwandese and a Burundian residents in Addis were collected and used for the purpose of complementing and enriching the secondary data. The informants possess a rich knowledge of the conflicts in tbe Great Lakes Region in general and that of Rwanda in particular. This primary data though limited to Rwanda and the Great Lakes Region, has also served as a counter-checking mechanism for the various secondary data sources. The study indicates that the major challenges to postconflict peace building are: security, functional law and order, socio-economic reconstruction, governance and participation, and the resettlement of refugees and internally displaced people (IDPs), in that order of priority. Finally, it has been found that the success of a sustainable post-conflict peace building depends on a coordinated, coherent, holistic. and country-specific approach that focuses on local ownership and participation.
Towards Building Peace Infrastructures at the Local Level in Southern Ethiopia: Actors, their Potentials and Limits
(AAU, 2020-03) Cheka Hidoto, Yacob; Berisso, Taddesse (Ass.pro)
This dissertation investigates the contributions and limitations of local peace infrastructures in communal conflict transformation in southern Ethiopia. The research is conceived and justified against the backdrop of the growing contemporary emphasis on the need to proactively rely on local peace infrastructures to mitigate and transform violent communal conflicts that ravage a plethora of grassroots communities in Sub-Saharan Africa. Further justifications of the instrumental power of local peace infrastructures are based on the recognition that grassrootsbased communal conflicts are essentially driven by local contents and actors, and therefore the most effective sustainable remedies for these conflicts would be achieved by having relevant local actors as key drivers of any conflict mediation, resolution and peacebuilding initiatives. Over the past 20 – 30 years, local peace infrastructures have proved quite effective in resolving varying levels of violent conflicts and building peace in many African countries. Some of the most outstanding success stories have been recorded by the Local Peace Committees (LPCs) known as ‘Local Peace Council’ in Ghana, and ‘Village Peace and Development Committees’ in Kenya. Many regional and international civil society organisations have mounted strong advocacy campaigns aimed at replicating the success stories of Ghana and Kenya elsewhere in Sub-Saharan Africa where violent communal conflicts are rife. The fieldwork data collection was carried out in the profoundly multi-ethnic and heterogenous Ethiopia’s southern region (Southern Nations, Nationalities' and Peoples' Regional State – SNNPRS) which has seen series of violent communal conflicts in the past two decades and where leading initiatives have been taken to establish local peace infrastructures to prevent and resolve recurrent communal violence. The study was specifically initiated with a motivation to bridge the gaps between constructive potential of local peace infrastructures and risk of their manipulation by those who monopolize power. Hence, the familiar local peace infrastructures, namely, state initiated local peace committees and customary elders as well as their respective rival or critical local peace infrastructures were selected and empirically analyzed. The study employed a mix of qualititative methods using a comparative case study strategy as a research design especially to facilitate collection of necessary data and conduct analyses. Relevant data therefore were collected from both primary and secondary sources using data collection methods such as interviews, focus groups discussion, observations and informal consultations. Over 95 participants (key informants and FGDs members) comprising local authorities, elders, women, young people, members of various local peace actors offered information in face-to-face interviews and dialogues. The study found that local peace infrastructures that were co-owned by the primary conflict parties delivered essential contributions to communal conflict transformation while at the same time indicating a potential for further impact if some of their limits were addressed. The councils of elders and state initiated peace committees specifically in the frontier areas between the Sidama and Oromo have been serving as essential platform for local peace-building even though they have limited potentials to deal with conflicts arising in the asymmetric contexts. In the asymmetric contexts where women and social and community groups have been exposed to violent attacks and discriminations by those who monopolize power, the use of critical engagement by the victims offered a better platform for non-violent change as evident in Wondo Genet and Konso. The study generally found that the prevailing violence, power asymmetry between conflict parties and ineffective organizational characteristics of local peace actors limit their peace potentials. Based on the findings and analyses thereof, the study suggests a necessity to adapt context-specific mechanisms, invest adequate time and financial resources and offer legal supports to enrich potentials of local peace actors to deal with actual and potentially violent communal conflicts.
The Sufi–Salafi Interactions in South Wollo, Ethiopia (1991-2017): Competition, Intolerance and Conflict
(AAU, 2020-03) Seid Mohammed, Mohammed
This study examines the context, dynamics and predicaments of the Sufi-Salafi interactions in the context of South Wollo of Ethiopia from 1991 to 2017. Nonetheless, it is confined only on some negative aspects of their relations characterized by competition, intolerance and conflict. In doing so, the researcher employed a qualitative research method to gain insight into the Sufi-Salafi interactions as it allows the participants to interpret their social reality. Data generated through this approach are analyzed using discourse analysis, conflict mapping, conflict tree-model and onion-model of conflict analysis. Although agents of Islamic revivalism in the history of South Wollo were different (Sufis as agents of the nineteenth century Islam while Salafists for the contemporary), both utilized revivalism as a tool of maintaining the religious orthodoxy of Islam in subsequent centuries. This would refute the conventional knowledge which associates revivalism as the monopoly of Salafists. The nineteenth century Sufi revivalism was far more radical as it applied Jihad to address the local religious and political grievances while contemporary Salafi revivalism has a peaceful puritanist missionary agenda in South Wollo. Empirical evidences from Sufi-Salafi discourse revealed that the Sufi-Salafi competition is primarily triggered by the need to win converts, control organizational resources and disseminate doctrinal preferences. The absence of cooperation which is expressed in the form of obstruction, misperception, deception and manipulation between Sufis and Salafists hinders peace in the Muslim community of South Wollo. The study also finds that passive tolerance which is expressed in the form of marginalization, xenophobic attitude and emotional attacks using pejorative and derogatory terms impedes peaceful coexistence between Sufis and Salafists in South Wollo. Analysis on the intervention of external actors reveals that the interference of the government and Ahbash complicates the Sufi-Salafi relations through transforming the dormant conflict into active violence in South Wollo. The US government under the pretext of countering terrorism indirectly interfered in the Sufi-Salafi conflict through funding Sufi institutions. Although Islamic NGOs as external actors were allegedly accused of promoting Salafism in South Wollo, it could not be substantiated with evidences. A scrutiny on the causation of the conflict identifies structural, proximate and immediate factors responsible for the Sufi-Salafi conflict. The structural factor is related to actors’ distinct interpretation of Islam, the proximate factor evidenced by the imposition of Ahbash as the ideology of mejlis, and the 2012 controversial mejlis election and the killing of a Sufi cleric as the triggering factors for the Sufi-Salafi conflict in South Wollo. Although impartial intra-religious dialogue and negotiation was variously suggested as tools of resolution, it had been sabotaged by the government and Ahbash. This is evidenced by the interference of the government in the 2012 mejlis election and the eventual ascendancy of Ahbash leadership to the zonal mejlis. The realist security orientation of the government was also incompatible to resolve identity based intra-religious conflict in South Wollo as it ceded preference for its own state security. The researcher argues that the effectiveness of intra-religious peace and the transformation of the Sufi-Salafi conflict in South Wollo should be governed by the principles of non-interference, cooperation and peace building.
Conflict Transformation and Peacebuilding in Gambella Regional State, Ethiopia
(AAU, 2020-03) Teshome, Gizachew; Berisso, Taddesse (Ass.pro)
The various levels of inter-communal violent conflicts in the Gambella regional state of Ethiopia have their root in the process of state formation, state-society interaction, sociopolitical, socioeconomic, sociocultural factors and state policies spanning over a century. The conflicts have intensified over the past 28 years. This is attributed mainly to the political transformation in Ethiopia in the early 1990 and the civil war in the Sudan and the South Sudan. In response to these violent conflicts that have occurred in the region, a number of attempts at peacebuilding were made at different times. This study investigates the conflict transformation efforts, their marked features and the processes and outcomes of the peacemaking activities as well as the challenges and prospects surrounding the overall process of peacebuilding in post-1991 Gambella. Following an interpretivist approach and using qualitative methods of inquiry, data gathered from members of the local community, experts and officials at regional and federal levels, were critically analyzed. The analysis is situated in the context of intra-state and inter-communal conflict, conflict transformation and peacebuilding within Ethiopia’s post-1991 sociopolitical conditions and current policy framing and understanding of conflict and peace, taking the case of Gambella. The study shows that the conflict transformation effort in Gambella is a reactive one, containing violence after its occurrence, and often transient. The activities are focused on giving short-term solutions, treating the symptoms rather than addressing the underlying problems. The use of compensation as a conflict settlement procedure, intervention schemes coming at variance along ethnic lines and levels of conflict in the region and apathy as well as the tendency of complicating issues with politics have been noted as the defining characteristics of the peacemaking schemes. The peacebuilding process in Gambella, it is argued, is not effective both in terms of its response to the immediate peacebuilding needs and in working on the broader, systemic issues that foster and enhance the containment of violence sustainably. The process has not created a mutually beneficial sense of interdependence among the communities and groups involved in conflict in the region and embedded peacemaking activities into institutions that reinforce and sustain them. No fair, coherent and systematic procedures implemented and/or used to guide the process. Actions are governed by arbitrary rules and decisions are made based on undue pressures or emotions, rather than on their merit. As such, the findings of this study revealed that the conflict transformation efforts have been less successful, if not a total failure. And a range of factors militated against the process of peacebuilding in post-1991 Gambella, not least, the approach adopted in building peace; the nature and/or manner of third-party interventions; the nature of the political opportunity structure; the nature of the conflicts and the socioeconomic conditions in the region; leadership problems; the spillovers from the neighboring South Sudan as well as weak normative and institutional frameworks.
Human Security Implications of Oromo-Somali Conflict Induced Displacement in Ethiopia: The Case of Burayu Town
(AAU, 2020-01) Regassa, Gudeta; Adaye, Yonas (PhD0
This study is focused on the human security implications of Oromo-Somali conflict induced displacement (CID) on human security in Ethiopia particularly who are relocated to Burayu Town. To achieve the objective a qualitative descriptive research design was implemented. The primary source of data was collected through key informants and in-depth interviews. Key informants were purposively selected from different governmental organizations whereas in-depth interviewees were selected from internally displaced persons (IDPs) based on snowball sampling technique. The finding of the study shows that lack of quick response to demarcate the boundary between the two regions as per the 2004 referendum, rent-seeking and contraband, and failure to deploy security forces timely as the causes of displacement. Instrumentalism and primordialism were also initiated the displacement under the shade of ethnic federation. The study also revealed that Conflict induced displacement negatively affected human security, means of livelihood and properties of Melka Gefersa Kebele IDPs. As the result, they are suffering from food, water, health insecurities and psychological inferiority complex. Inadequate housing and lack of social services nearby relocation site are among the major factors that have negatively affected security of Melka Gefersa Kebele IDPs. The rehabilitation mechanism of IDPs is also just like lifesaving since it is short term based both in food and nonfood assistance. Furthermore, Melka Gefersa households IDPs are challenged to borrow money from micro-financial institutions in rehabilitating their life because of delayed responses to give residential site plan for all households.
The Role of African Governance Architecture (AGA) in Preventing Structural Conflict in Africa
(Addis Ababa University, 2015-07) Hailemariam, Tsion; NdiayeNtab, Michelle (PhD)
While the African Union (AU), through The African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), has shown an increase in its response to the peace and security challenges, it, however, has a long way to go in terms of addressing the causes, triggers, accelerators and consequences of conflicts. Africa now faces fewer inter-state wars and more intra-state conflicts emerging from poor governance, democratic deficiency, weak state institutions, indigent human rights protections and irresponsible political systems. AU has been successful in the formulation and adoption of norms and institutional frameworks. However, it rather failed in implementing these policies and laws. Furthermore, the scattered mechanisms for the promotion of democratic governance and human rights in the AU are a particular challenge to its struggle for sustainable peace and security in Africa. In order to remove these deficiencies, the AU needs to swiftly implement the policies in cooperation with Member States to increase its impact and relevance on the ground. To this effect, AU is introducing a new architecture called African Governance Architecture (AGA) to address the root causes of conflicts by improving democratic governance, constitutionalism and human security in Africa. This approach towards the prevention, management and resolution of conflicts will help to address structural root causes of conflicts in Africa. It will further enable to connect, empower and build the capacities of the African peoples in strengthening governance and consolidating democracy through shared values they have in common. This study examines the development of governance and democracy controlling mechanisms in light of structural conflict prevention, and the existing gap between AGA and APSA in the AU. It is among the first to contribute a new academic perspective on the highly topical issue - AGA. In addition, it adds value to the AU’s struggle to improve democratization and human rights records of the Member States through the AGA framework.
Exploring the Causes and Consequences of Illegal Migration to Saudi Arabia: The Case of Lidata and Kirkos Sub-Cities in Addis Ababa City Administration
(Addis Ababa University, 2015-02) Gebresilassie, Daniel; kassa, Getahun (PhD)
The objective of this study was to examine the cause and consequences of illegal migration to Saudi Arabia from Addis Ababa city administration by taking Lidata and Kirkos Sub- cities as a case study. To this end, qualitative research method which encompasses key informant interviews and focus group discussions were employed for primary data gathering. Purposive sampling techniques were used to select members of focus group discussions under two categories which have six members each and key informants. To contact some key informants especially returnees from Saudi Arabia, snowball purposive sampling techniques were used. The data gathered from the participants were analyzed carefully and the results of focus group discussions were analyzed through categorization and labeling method system. The results of the study indicated that people of the study area are motivated to go to the kingdom of Saudi Arabia due to poverty, lack of employment opportunity, the need for improving economy, success stories of returnees from Saudi Arabia, and trends have contributed for massive out flux of illegal migration of people from the study area. Communication with brokers, borrowing money to pay for their journey via illegal migration and using fake document were some of mechanisms used by illegal migrants in pre-departure. Confrontation with brokers, physical violence, insecurity of basic needs, and theft of migrants organs by trained physicians, torture, and language problem were some major consequences hosted by illegal migrants throughout their journey and in Saudi Arabia. Creating awareness in collaboration with religious leaders, training returnees and organizing them under different microenterprises were some of the measures implemented to mitigate illegal migration to Saudi Arabia despite few challenges that hinders management of illegal migration like brokers, illegal private agencies and awareness creation problem. Key words: migration, immigration, illegal migration, irregular migration, smuggling, brokers, agencies
Addressing the Moyale Conflicts in Southern Ethiopia: Challenges and Prospects
(Addis Ababa University, 2016-06) Sintayehu, Melkamu; Hassen, Ahmed (PhD)
The theme of this study is concerned with addressing the conflicts of the Moyale town in southern Ethiopia. There has been conflicts in Moyale and its environs since early times. However, the nature of the conflict has changed in recent decades, both in its actual subject-matter and in the form of its expression. The conflicts were obviously not the usual fights between pastoral communities over pasture, water source or cattle raid. As a result, the study is aimed at identifying the actors, the factors and the interplay between different dimensions of the Moyale conflicts. Qualitative case study method and descriptive design were used to this end. The analysis is also framed using theories of ethnicity and ethnic mobilizations. The finding indicates that the conflicts in Moyale and its environs shaped and re-shaped by historic and ongoing socio-economic and political developments. The Borana, the Garri and the Gabra found to be parties in conflict while other actors such as the OLF, Al-Shabab, Business Men, Community elites, Security forces from both the Ethiopian and the Kenyan sides involved in the conflicts of the area. The factors of the conflicts also includes Land Ownership and Blurred Frontier Demarcations, Politicized Ethnicity and Elite Mobilization, the Location of Moyale and Unenforceable Citizenship Rights. The efforts of achieving lasting peace held back due to the Socio-economic and Political developments, focus on the Immediate factors of the conflict, the Proliferation of Small Arms, Lack of commitment from Local Elites and the Regional Dimension of the conflicts. At the same time, the recent measures of the government upon local elites, the mental set-up of the community for peace, increased dependency on legal instruments and joint planning and execution of social services found to be windows of opportunities in dealing with the conflicts of the area. In general, the study concludes that the conflicts in the town of Moyale and its environs are the result of a number of actors and factors. And also have a peculiar features which cannot be addressed in terms of pastoralist conflicts of the region and calls for a shift of focus to a deeper level, beyond the surface factors, where the underlying factors are directly addressed.
Regulation of Irregular Migration: The Link between African Union and European Union Frameworks
(Addis Ababa University, 2016-05) Dawit, Mahlet; Yohannes, Dawit (PhD)
The southern border of Europe is a frequent gateway for irregular African migrants who cross through the west and central, east Mediterranean migration routes. These life threatening migration routes result in the loss of the lives of migrants. This study deals with the link and implementations of the African Union, European Union and the Joint EU- Africa policy frame works on the regulation of irregular migrations. The study employed qualitative research design. Using purposive sampling, in-depth interview were conducted with concerned experts and officials. The study also included data obtained from books, various legal documents (regional, continental and international laws), journals, conventions, Declarations, researches, conference data protocols, as well as other secondary data source. The data was analyzed using content and comparative analysis methods. The study revealed that even if the EU and Africa advance the promotion of joint frameworks in comprehensive manner, their policies have not achieved their goal on addressing the root causes of irregular migration and the crisis on the loss of lives due to the mismatch of priority, lack of shared commitment, coordination and other policy implementation gaps. Most migrants from Africa are barely skilled persons while Europe wishes to accept the skilled and the rich. Due to conflict of interest between the AU and EU migrants, the root causes for migration are overlooked. If EU assists Africa on the promotion of development and addressing the root causes of irregular migration, and African countries undertake the necessary policy adjustments, the problems associated with irregular migration will be better addressed in the future. Key words: Irregular migration, AU, EU, policy framework
The Effects of Environmental Degradation on Human Security: The Case of Erob Wereda, Eastern Tigray Zone Regional State, Ethiopia
(Addis Ababa University, 2016-05) Hailemariam, Gebrehiwot; Hassan, Ahmed (PhD)
The overall objective is, to study the effects of environmental degradation on human security with special emphasis on food, economic, health, social and personal security in Erob Wereda. To achieve this objective, the study employed fundamentally qualitative with limited quantitative methods to collect relevant data. It used both primary and secondary sources of data. The primary data was collected from 55 participants via in-depth informant interview, focus group discussants representing the grass root societies such as smallholder farmers, local residents and other key informants selected based on purposeful sampling. Secondary data was obtained through critical review and analysis of related literatures and appropriate documents. The methods were In-depth Informants Interview (III), Focus Group Discussions (FGDs), Key Informants Interview (KII) and personal observations and employed qualitative analysis with limited quantitative analysis. Based on the study, the causes of environmental degradation in Erob Wereda are several intertwined and conglomeration factors. The core finding of the study displayed that, environmental degradation has actual, unprecedented and multitudinous effect on human security which undermine food, economic, health, social and personal security of farmers and environmental dependent peoples of Erob Wereda. Each household is prevalently faced inter-household conflict, food shortage, economic deterioration and misery due to declining of their agricultural, cattle and honey production from time to time. Moreover, diminishing in land, bushes/forest and water resources has significant impact on weakening of socio-economic values; undermine means of production and livelihood and may extend as major threat to the future generation. The study also proclaimed that single environmental problem can have many threats starting from the household to the national and international level. Thus, the results indicate that extensive environmental degradation poses multiple challenges to human security. So, to solve repercussion of environmental risks, environmental issues should be critically dealt with. The study also revealed that the adverse effect of environmental degradation in Erob Wereda is exodus migration which threat personal security and social disintegration. Generally, resource degradation is serious problem and poses myriad challenge in the study area. The environment in the area has become more fragile than ever resulting decline in agricultural production and productivity, frequent food deficiency, health problems, drought and famines that severely impair human security. Finally, the study set-forth that there is interactive and vicious causality-effect correlation between environmental degradation and human security. Key words; Environment, Environmental Degradation, Human security.
Resource and Political Conflicts in Gambella Peoples’ National Regional State: The Case of Itang Special Wereda
(Addis Ababa University, 2016-06) Tut, Gatwech; Adaye, Yonas (PhD)
This thesis assesses the link between political and resource conflicts in post 1991 Itang special wereda of Gambella regional state. Building on qualitative case study approach, data was collected from 16 key informants, two group discussions and one observation. To construct meaning, analytical/interpretative qualitative analysis was adopted supplemented by documents of both published and unpublished, inter alia, thesis, journals, books, manuals, and reports. The study finds out striking interplay between the political and resource conflicts and attributed the underlying sources of the conflicts broadly to political, security and socio-cultural factors. It appears, the federal modus operandi is far from furnishing and harnessing a political culture that facilitate a political game designed to articulate the interest of various groups and build a workable political community. Various groups compete for political power and resources with various narratives of entitlement fomenting disputes. The study reveals inter-ethnic conflict between the Anyuwaa and Nuer, intra-ethnic conflict among the Nuer clans and inter and intra ethnic political conflicts between the Anyuwaa and Nuer as major levels of conflicts. Identity at its various denominations is manifested throughout as main driver of conflict. This is particularly the case given that identity is at the heart of political dispensation and power sharing at various administrative posts. The study also discloses the interface and interplay between the political and resource conflicts. Numerous variables such as the mode of political dispensation, the social structure, resource scarcity, the culture of politics, response mechanisms to conflicts, and decisions at local, regional and national government add to the intricate relation and link throughout the resource and political conflicts in Itang special district. In light of the findings, the study recommends, for enhancement of democratic culture in party politics and meritocratic entitlement basis, promotion of awareness among various stakeholders about the link between political and resource conflicts, strengthening of civil societies, contextual analysis during the implementation of policies and development projects, systematic address to the demographic politics and the security situation along the border, and the deployment of contextual, informed and inclusive conflict resolution approach. Key words: Conflict, political conflict, resource conflict, federalism, Itang
Regulating Proliferation and Misuse of Small Arms in Eastern Gojjam Zone of Amhara Regional State
(Addis Ababa University, 2016-06) Tenaw, Aemro; Gebremichael, Mesfin (PhD)
Proliferation of small arms and light weapons is one of the serious human security and development challenges for communities in the world whether in the time of peace or conflict/war. Despite various international, regional & sub-regional and national approaches formulated to regulate proliferation of small arms and light weapons, they have faced implementation challenges. In addition, many states still lack national legislation to regulate small arms problem. The central objective of the study is to assess the reasons for possession and misuse of small arms and legal and institutional policies in the study area. The study was basically qualitative case study using both primary and secondary sources of data. The sampling technique was nonrandom sampling technique which includes convenience, snowball and purposive sampling. Accordingly, the data were collected through in-depth interview with key informants and informants as well as illegal brokers, and focus group discussion organized from elders. Document analysis was also used as a source of data. The study has revealed that even though the exact number of small arms is unknown, the magnitude or number of small arms possessed and circulated in East Gojjam Zone is high. This has negative implication to human safety and security. According to the findings of the study, the major reasons for possession and misuse of small arms are: cultural (pride, revenge and emotional music and poetry), easy availability and brokering, security dilemma, alcohol and lack of skills to manage guns. In addition, the findings show that the legal mechanism is not enough to regulate proliferation and miss use of small arms in the study area. As central territory of the country it is expected that the government should take strong and effective measures to control small arms problem. But, in practice, there are no much concrete actions to regulate small arms problem. Therefore, adoption, sensitization and implementation of the law as well as continuous awareness raising and education to bring attitude change towards possession of small arms and some harmful cultures is required to monitor small arms in the study area.
The Role of Gibe Iii Dam in Achieving Effective Cooperation between Ethiopia and Kenya
(Addis Ababa University, 2016-06) Fitiwi , Mahlet; Kiros, Kidane (PhD)
This study investigates the role of the Gibe III in bringing about cooperation between Ethiopia and Kenya through effective utilization of natural resources. Cooperation would be realized if there is public participation of the local population that inhabits the affected areas, enforcement of basin wide agreement, environmental scrutiny and sharing of information. Trans-boundary waters have a way of bringing cooperation between the riparian states as they do conflict. Therefore, this paper has examined the role of the Gibe III Dam in acting as a cooperation tool and how its water can be utilized effectively if proper agreements were in place. Although there are a couple of agreements on the Omo River between Ethiopia and Kenya, there is no trans-boundary water agreement so far. Therefore the study discusses in detail how cooperation can be achieved without a cooperation framework. There have been other Dams and developmental agreements on the Omo River but the Gibe III has become a talking issue for some time because of the perceived impact it is expected to cause on Lake Turkana. If the water level of Lake Turkana falls, it will lead to conflict between the two countries, hence the need for cooperation and effectively managing the shared water. Thus, the study has investigated whether there are cooperative tools and/or water management agreements between Ethiopia and Kenya. The reaction to the construction of the Dam by the affected people and how they are affected has also been examined. Analysis of conflict prevention and management methods used by appropriate bodies in case conflict arises has also been conducted. The challenges that were faced during the construction of the Dam have also been studied in order to help with the step forward.
Ethio-Eritrea Conflict and the Role of Scholars and Intellectuals in the ‘Stalled’ Peace Process and Reconciliation
(Addis Ababa University, 2016-06) Habtom, Fireweini; Wendimu, Habtamu (Pro.)
Ethio-Eritrea conflict is going on with no peace no war scenario after the closure of the Algiers peace agreement and despite the mediation efforts of many local as well as international actors. The conceptual meaning of scholars and intellectuals as outlined by notable academicians including Max Weber, Edward Said and Foucault in relation to their general characteristics and roles in current society; the theoretical aspects of peace and the actors involved for achieving it; reconciliation in particular some of the methods for reaching at are discussed in detail. Moreover, Ethio-Eritrea in historical relation and the causes that brought the war of 1998-2000 is depicted in an overview form. Some Ethiopian as well as Eritrean scholars and intellectuals had been engaged earlier on to resolve the conflict peacefully in various ways. The fundamental hindrances facing them for their limited contribution in dealing with the current stalemate has been identified and discussed in much detail. The most significant are the fierce division that existed among them, their stiff argument charged with „ultra-nationalistic‟ perspectives and financial constraints. They can make possible contributions in the process of making peace and reconciliation between the two countries in the foreseeable future both individually and in group. Their contributions for peace can range from holding peace conferences, policy formulation and writing objectively up to advocating for peace. Reconstruction of the common history of Ethiopia and Eritrea and making a document, establishing reconciliation commission and being effective role models in advancing mutual deep understanding and cooperation can support reconciliation efforts. The peace strategy obtained from the interviewed data and published documents are also scrutinized. The international community particularly the UN, EU, and AU has to put rigorous diplomatic pressure on conflicting parties in order to break the stalemate. This is due to the fact that the incumbent political forces are antagonistic and the animosity among them is so entrenched. Integration among the people of the two countries is important. The previous achievements of scholars and intellectuals can be recognized in creating mutual understanding, dealing with many interlinked issues and their failures in areas of writing history and inability to acknowledge Eritrea as a sovereign nation state. Finally, in conclusion taking the good initiatives and peace activities conducted by different scholars, it is possible to avoid another devastative war and build on peaceful relations.
The Implications of Reconstructing Identities for Nation- Building in Newly Formed States-The Case of Eritrea
(Addis Ababa University, 2016-06) Gebremariam, Hailay; Gebremichael, Mesfin (PhD)
The pith point of this study is examining the implications of reconstructing identity with regard to history and culture on the Eritrean people and, with relation to Ethiopian and the peace and stability of the Horn of Africa. Building strong national identity is not a harmful act per se. If anything, having similar cultural values, historical agreements and believing in common social destiny are among the basics to create firm democratic and political principles. However, all nationalist ideologies do not fit for all. It has been discussed that the process making of the Eritrean nation have resulted in serious troubles inside and outside the state. The researcher has used qualitative research method in order to gather data for the study. Eritrean citizens who live in Addis Ababa are used as main informants. Some Eritrean (Eritrean-born) and Ethiopian scholars are also included in the process of data collection. The primary data is enriched by certain secondary resources. By using inductive approach, all gathered data are analyzed and discussed. For the sake of forging unique and strong national identity, the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) now known as Peoples Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), has been reshaping some historical and cultural features of the Eritrean people. Some historical events and cultural aspects which could be used as a reference to the long lasted connection of Eritrean and Ethiopian people are becoming the victims of abuse and distortion. Thus, this thesis gives analysis on the implications of such processes. It investigates the troubles that are instigated on the people of Eritrea and their relation with the Ethiopians. It then examines the effects on the peace and stability of the Horn Africa. The ‘differentiation’ and ‘prioritizing the political culture’ methods are being widely used as instruments of making unique Eritrean national identity. As the result, some aspects of history and culture are tailored. Many historical and cultural ties with Ethiopians are glossed over or replaced by other new ones which vindicate the formation of national identity. This makeover has brought many implications on the people about which this thesis discusses.
Exploring the Aftermath of Forced Mass Return: Reintegration Challenges of Deported Ethiopian Migrant Workers from Saudi Arabia
(Addis Ababa University, 2016-06) Betseha, Miheret
Forced return migrants often encounter challenges in reestablishing their lives in home societies due to their abrupt and sudden return as well as for having returned empty handed. This study explored one such event which resulted in mass expulsion of migrants from one of the biggest migrant hosting countries, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Earlier on November 2013, Ethiopia started receiving over 163,000migrant workers expelled from Saudi. Two years has passed since their return and this study explores the aftermath of forced mass return by looking at the current living situation of returnees. It looks into the various stages of migration to fully understand issues relating to their return. The study mainly made use of Qualitative research approach as its the approach that best suits to meet the objectives of the research. An in depth semi structured interview was conducted on 14 returnees of Saudi crackdown which reveal the agonies of return. Non Participant Observation method has also been used as the researcher directly went to the allocated sheds of returnees and witnessed the manner by which returnees are coping up. The Findings of the study indicate that majority of Saudi returnees are not in a self-sufficient situation and that they are currently facing several challenges relating to the business sheds allocated, government bureaucracy, of being organized into groups, and due to stringent requirements in vocational choices. They also established several social challenges intertwined with their sudden forced return such as shame of returning empty handed, tension with family members as well as social isolation. The Ethiopian government need to give huge emphasis on the push factors that lead people to resort to migration and it should also come up with policies that are aimed at better regulating migration as well as return migration. A mechanism that allows for a multi stakeholder cooperation in such emergency situations should also be created and should be made locally adopted. The international community should also put pressure on the government of Saudi Arabia so that the country respects the rights of migrants as they make up a great section of the society.
The Impact of Refugess on Host Communities: A Case Study of South Sudanese Refugees in Gambella People’s National Regional State
(Addis Ababa University, 2016-06) Tadesse, Eyael
This study explored the impact of South Sudanese refugees on the host community of Gambella People’s National Regional State (GPNRS). Following the outbreak of the second Sudanese civil war (1983) and the recent civil war of South Sudan (2013), there has been a continuous influx of South Sudanese refugees into Gambella region. The region is situated in close proximity to neighboring South Sudan where the majority of refugees originate. Currently Gambella host close to 300, 000 refugees majority of whom are South Sudanese. Such large-scale refugee influx severely affected the region in general and the host community in particular. The study utilized qualitative method and non-probability sampling technique to select informants. By conducting interviews and focus group discussions with a total of 29 informants from the host community of Gambella, South Sudanese refugees as well as government and non-government actors of relevance, the study has examined the important points delimited in the research. The finding of the study revealed not only the burden or the challenges but also some of the advantages and benefits experienced by the host community of Gambella following the South Sudanese refugee influx. The refugee influx brought social, economic, security, environmental, and demographic impacts in the region. Notably, the positive impact is seen in terms of socio-economic aspects and the negative implication is primarily indicated in terms of widening ethnic divergence among the host community and heightening inter-ethnic conflict between the host community of Gambella and South Sudanese refugees; thereby affected the region’s security. Of equal importance is exploring the complex relationship between the refugees and host communities of Gambella. In this regard, the interplay of several elements such as ethnic identity and socio-economic aspects is seen to determine the impacts as well as the level of interaction between refugees and host communities in the region.
Public and Self-perceptions of the F.D.R.E. Defence Force
(Addis Ababa University, 2016-06) Zikarge, Berhane; Adaye, Yonas (PhD)
There is a significant perception gap between the public and the Ethiopian Defence Force itself with respect to the attractiveness, prestige and legitimacy of the military institution. This research mainly focused on the views of selected senior preparatory students, their parents, veterans and military personnel. The survey results are analyzed to answer three questions: How do the students, parents and veterans perceive the F.D.R.E. Defence Force and the military profession? How do the Defence and the military personnel view themselves with regard to the image, prestige or attractiveness of the institution and the military profession? What is the perception gap? And what implications does it have for recruitment and retention? The study uses prestige and legitimacy as a conceptual framework of analysis to examine a range of possible factors affecting the perception gap between the students, parents, veterans and the Defence institution. The findings show that low salary, and poor quality of life of military personnel; and lack of support and recognition for the veterans partly explain the declining prestige of the Defence. The overall image which emerges from this very limited case study is that the military profession is not attractive. Moreover, this study also revealed that there is a widely held perception that the Defence Force is not free from partisanship and there is a prevailing perception that the Defence is not representative enough at its officer corps level, which in turn does seem to affect its legitimacy. Mounting evidence was also found that these deficiencies have profound implications for personnel recruitment and retention. However, the Defence institution does not seem to share these perceptions, differing on the depth, and implications of these shortcomings, claiming that the institution still attracts enough recruits, it maintains high standing as regards prestige, and it enjoys solid legitimacy. Finally, the study concludes that there is a wide perception gap between the public and the Defence with regard to the core issues under consideration, except, the apparent consensus on the perception of Defence capabilit
Regulation of Irregular Migration: The Link between African Union and European Union Frameworks
(Addis Ababa University, 2016-05) Dawit, Mahlet; Yohannes, Dawit
The southern border of Europe is a frequent gateway for irregular African migrants who cross through the west and central, east Mediterranean migration routes. These life threatening migration routes result in the loss of the lives of migrants. This study deals with the link and implementations of the African Union, European Union and the Joint EU- Africa policy frame works on the regulation of irregular migrations. The study employed qualitative research design. Using purposive sampling, in-depth interview were conducted with concerned experts and officials. The study also included data obtained from books, various legal documents (regional, continental and international laws), journals, conventions, Declarations, researches, conference data protocols, as well as other secondary data source. The data was analyzed using content and comparative analysis methods. The study revealed that even if the EU and Africa advance the promotion of joint frameworks in comprehensive manner, their policies have not achieved their goal on addressing the root causes of irregular migration and the crisis on the loss of lives due to the mismatch of priority, lack of shared commitment, coordination and other policy implementation gaps. Most migrants from Africa are barely skilled persons while Europe wishes to accept the skilled and the rich. Due to conflict of interest between the AU and EU migrants, the root causes for migration are overlooked. If EU assists Africa on the promotion of development and addressing the root causes of irregular migration, and African countries undertake the necessary policy adjustments, the problems associated with irregular migration will be better addressed in the future.
Deradicalization in the Context of Islam: A Counter Extremism Measure within the Framework of the IGAD
(Addis Ababa University, 2016-05) Taye, Berhanu; Abdalla, Amr (PhD)
Individuals or groups pass through radicalization then violent extremism stages before they become terrorists. Islamic extremism/radicalism is a political ideology employed for non-religious ends. The research aimed at identifying counterterrorism mechanisms and ways of incorporating deradicalization in the IGAD framework. Data were collected from Key Informants and documents. Through thematic, content and comparative analyses, the finding showed that IGAD and its member States hardly adopt deradicalization but for Sudan. The ISSP is to launch a Center of Excellence for CVE to counter extremism and facilitate inter/intra faith dialogues. Background-factors leading to radicalization are perceived/real grievances resulted from social, economic, political, historical and personal experiences. Principles of AfSol, Human Development Theory and RJ would be appropriate approaches to counter radicalization and its factors. Deradicalization will dry out human, material, financial and moral resources of terrorism thereby weakening terrorism from its nucleus. Local mechanisms at grassroots-level would effectively address radicalization and its threats by fighting the Islamic extremist ideologies. Governments must cooperate their efforts, and share experiences and resources using the IGAD platform. Human rights and legitimate questions must get due attention. Islam must own deradicalization processes, and provide institutional and conceptual tools for countering extremism and terrorism committed under its name.

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