IPSS Theses and Dissertations

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The Right to Social Security of Persons with Disabilities in Ethiopia
(Addis Ababa University, 2021-09) Singitan Adere; Wondemagegn Tadesse(Associate Professor)
An impetus to conduct a research on this topic arose from a Radio Interview made with two PWDs - beggars, that struck my thought “I’m poor because I’m disabled – I’m disabled because I’m poor.” This research examines to what extent Ethiopia responded toward realizing the right to social security of PWDs in compliance with the commitments stemming from ratifying the CRPD. The researcher argues that though credit is due to the establishment of the pension scheme, since ninety-five% of PWDs are excluded from the contributory pension and health scheme due to unemployment, the country still lacks a targeted strategy and a law guaranteeing a non contributory social assistance scheme against disability-related poverty. Neither the social transfers under the UPSNP/PSNP match the legally established non-contributory social assistance scheme to PWDs. therefore, Ethiopia lags behind realizing the minimum essential levels of the right to social security to PWDs.
The Effect of Human Trafficking on Human Security: The Case of Oromia Regional State, Ethiopia
(Addis Ababa University, 2020-06) Foziya Amin; Bafekadu Zeleke (Associate Professor)
he issue of people’s migration specifically human trafficking is very dynamic across the world and the worst in developing countries including Ethiopia. As a result, human trafficking is one of the problems that endanger human security starting from the origin countries up to destinations. This study was, thus, aimed at analyzing the effect of human trafficking on human security in Oromia Regional State. The study has specific objectives of assessing the prevalence and experiences of victims of human trafficking and actors involved in human trafficking, identifying the gaps between the legal frameworks and its implementation on human trafficking in the region, identifying the causes of trafficking in the region and assess the main challenges encountered to protect trafficking in the study area. To address these objectives, a qualitative research design was employed, as the researcher needs to explore and describe the effects of human trafficking in light of human security. To conduct this research, both primary and secondary data sources were employed. The data from primary sources was gathered using the qualitative data collection instruments using in-depth interviews, key informant interviews, observations and focus group discussion with returnees/victims, returnee parents’, community elders, police officials, legal experts, other concerned government officials. The data was collected from East and West Hararge, West Arsi, and Jimma Zones of Oromia Region. The data was analyzed through thematic data analysis. Finally, the results revealed that economic problems, politico-legal factors, social networks, and socio-cultural factors were the main pushing factors for human trafficking while pull factors like a better source of income and job opportunity had their contributions to human trafficking. Besides, migrants in their movement were exposed to many human security problems in the desert, sea journey as well as in their destination countries including gross violation of human rights, inhuman treatment, sexual harassment, thirsty, hunger, physical violence, health problems, etc. In the case of the study areas, the state failed to implement the international human rights principles and values relevant to victims of human trafficking due to a lack of capacity, commitment, and good quality of governance. The study showed that the government made efforts to tackle this serious problem by taking into consideration the severity of the problem on the human security of the migrants and the local community through creating awareness, taking legal punishments upon smugglers, and human traffickers. However, it is not adequate since many actors including migrants themselves and parents with the cooperation of the smugglers intertwined with poverty and unemployment opportunities in the study area are aggravating human trafficking in the study area. To this end, the study recommends adequate job creation and poverty reduction, promoting legal labor migration through a bilateral agreement with major destination countries and prosecuting of brokers, traffickers and smugglers were found to be essential to restrict human trafficking from the study areas. Lastly, looking at the significance of the research outcome, this study could be valuable for organizations and concerned government offices that are working on migration and countering human trafficking
Barriers Impacting Human Security of Persons with Disabilities in Addis Ababa: Implications for Policy Intervention
(Addis Ababa University, 2021-05) Asfaw Kasa; Taddesse Berisso (PhD)
This dissertation argues that indirect and subtle violence by city planners and administrators poses a range of human security challenges to the everyday experiences of persons living with disabilities from now (PWDs) in urban environment of Addis Ababa. The objective of this study was to examine barriers to daily lives of urban inhabitants of PWDs. Qualitative research approach was used to conduct this investigation. Data were collected through in depth interview with individuals with disabilities (24), government officials and experts (12), and leaders of associations of disability groups (4) and 7 focus group discussions (FGDs). Purposive and snowball samplings were participants selection techniques employed to select potential informants who could share their knowledge and experiences by participating in interview and FGDs. As a visually impaired person who is working and living in Addis Ababa, my personal lived experiences and the comments of participants on International Disability Day (2018 and 2019) were used to crosscheck the information collected by means of interview and FGDs. Policy and legal documents were used to analyze how far disability was legally protected and empowered at institutional level. Data was analyzed qualitatively using thematic method of data analysis. One of the central results of this study is the realization of the dire situation of urban inhabitants of PWDs because of the poorly built environment of Addis Ababa. The findings of this study demonstrated that structural violence manifested through structures of environment hampering accessibility and how PWDs are socially and economically valued among the larger community. The results of this study have indicated that the absence of ramps, elevators, audio communications, disability-friendly vehicles, crossings with marked visual signals, vicious vacancy announcements, and broken pavements are source of human insecurity of PWDs. The implication of this study is the need to humanize the physical and social environment of Addis Ababa with the goal of maintaining the well-being of PWDs. One way of improving the built infrastructure and make it more friendly to PWDs is to change the attitudes of concerned stakeholders, including policy and decision makers, legislatures and the society at large, to break the cultural structures which view PWDs as worthless and to be pitted, not to be supported and empowered with the intention of enabling them to lead independent lives. Addressing this social factor will ease the insensitivity of relevant actors to PWDs during planning, design, construction of key infrastructures and during recruitment.
Health Security of Street Children In Ethiopia: The Case Study of Kirkos Sub City of Addis Ababa
(Addis Ababa University, 2019-06) Kahsay Gebru; Ahmed Hassen (Associate Professor)
lobally the problem of street children has been dramatically increasing. There are as many reasons for being on the street as there are street children. There are a large number of children living or spending most of their day and/or night on the street. The situation for those children is harsh. Several organizations‟ work to help these children that includes interventions towards street children in their programs, but the amount still increases every year. This thesis was conducted in Ethiopia‟s Kirkos sub city of Addis Ababa. One of the concerns in the study was to provide a relatively completed and reliable picture of the situation of street children in Kirkos sub city, focusing on the health needs and health status of street children while they are on/off the street. The main objective of the thesis is to explore the health security of street children in Ethiopia, Kirkos Sub city of Addis Ababa. The study utilized qualitative technique to gather relevant information. Data are collected using a semi-structured interview, Focus Group Discussion, Key Informant Interview and secondary sources for different categories of respondents. The sample size for this study especially for the in depth interviews was 17street children, 2 FGDs including 11 street children and 6 Key informants. Purposive sampling design is chosen based on the judgment of the researcher as to who will provide the best information to succeed for the objectives study. The research also employs primary and secondary sources of data. In the thesis it was found that the majority (64.7%) were males while the remaining (35.3%) were females. Most of the respondents agree that the health need and health status of Kirkos Sub City street children is not secured. Street children also face several challenges when they are living and/or working on the street among them meeting their basic needs like food, and finding decent and secure sleeping places, lack of access to services such as health are some of them. Moreover, the result showed that the life of the street children is not secured and their health need and health status is not fulfilled by themselves, the community and different organizations. Rather they use other coping mechanisms while they are on/off the streets that completely hearts/insecure their health status. Thus the problem of street children is not the case that should be left to one organization or section of the society. Efforts should be made by government, non -governmental organizations; community based organizations, the community and different stakeholders at large. All the stakeholders need to work hand in hand in order to alleviate the multifaceted problems of these children
The Role of Ethiopian Reconciliation Commission (ERC) for Restorative Justice: Challenges and Prospects
(Addis Ababa University, 2021-12) Seyoum Getu; Yonas Tariku
This study assessed the prospects and challenges of the Ethiopian Reconciliation Commission (ERC). Also, it explores the need for reconciliation in the context of Ethiopia and major rational that necessitate the establishment of the commission. A qualitative research methodology employing an exploratory research design approach was used in the study. In-depth interviews with key informants were deployed as a major source of data collection. Three basic categories of the society from different profession and political affiliation were enrolled as key informants; namely, academicians, politicians and government officials and members of the Ethiopia Reconciliation Commission. A purposive sampling technique was deployed. The study explored those historical narratives, historical injustices, and ethnic extremism are important national issues in Ethiopia that necessitate the establishment of the reconciliation commission. Although efforts were made to clarify and consolidate the ERC’s institutional and legal frameworks, and to implement some key activities, it was found to be unsatisfactory as it was still grappling with several challenges. The ERC faced several challenges with respect to standard parameters like institutional setup, legal framework, and composition of commissioners. For the betterment of the commission in its future endeavor, the current mandate of the commission should be more specific, and its institutional setup and member composition has to be revisited, and its powers, capabilities and independence must be enhanced.
Towards Building Peace Infrastructures at the Local Level in Southern Ethiopia: Actors, Their Potentials and Limits
(Addis Ababa Unversity, 2020-03) Yacob Cheka; Taddesse Berisso (Associate Professor)
This dissertation investigates the contributions and limitations of local peace infrastructures in communal conflict transformation in southern Ethiopia. The research is conceived and justified against the backdrop of the growing contemporary emphasis on the need to proactively rely on local peace infrastructures to mitigate and transform violent communal conflicts that ravage a plethora of grassroots communities in Sub-Saharan Africa. Further justifications of the instrumental power of local peace infrastructures are based on the recognition that grassrootsbased communal conflicts are essentially driven by local contents and actors, and therefore the most effective sustainable remedies for these conflicts would be achieved by having relevant local actors as key drivers of any conflict mediation, resolution and peacebuilding initiatives. Over the past 20 – 30 years, local peace infrastructures have proved quite effective in resolving varying levels of violent conflicts and building peace in many African countries. Some of the most outstanding success stories have been recorded by the Local Peace Committees (LPCs) known as ‘Local Peace Council’ in Ghana, and ‘Village Peace and Development Committees’ in Kenya. Many regional and international civil society organisations have mounted strong advocacy campaigns aimed at replicating the success stories of Ghana and Kenya elsewhere in Sub-Saharan Africa where violent communal conflicts are rife. The fieldwork data collection was carried out in the profoundly multi-ethnic and heterogenous Ethiopia’s southern region (Southern Nations, Nationalities' and Peoples' Regional State – SNNPRS) which has seen series of violent communal conflicts in the past two decades and where leading initiatives have been taken to establish local peace infrastructures to prevent and resolve recurrent communal violence. The study was specifically initiated with a motivation to bridge the gaps between constructive potential of local peace infrastructures and risk of their manipulation by those who monopolize power. Hence, the familiar local peace infrastructures, namely, state initiated local peace committees and customary elders as well as their respective rival or critical local peace infrastructures were selected and empirically analyzed. The study employed a mix of qualititative methods using a comparative case study strategy as a research design especially to facilitate collection of necessary data and conduct analyses. Relevant data therefore were collected from both primary and secondary sources using data collection methods such as interviews, focus groups discussion, observations and informal consultations. Over 95 participants (key informants and FGDs members) comprising local authorities, elders, women, young people, members of various local peace actors offered information in face-to-face interviews and dialogues. The study found that local peace infrastructures that were co-owned by the primary conflict parties delivered essential contributions to communal conflict transformation while at the same time indicating a potential for further impact if some of their limits were addressed. The councils of elders and state initiated peace committees specifically in the frontier areas between the Sidama and Oromo have been serving as essential platform for local peace-building even though they have limited potentials to deal with conflicts arising in the asymmetric contexts. In the asymmetric contexts where women and social and community groups have been exposed to violent attacks and discriminations by those who monopolize power, the use of critical engagement by the victims offered a better platform for non-violent change as evident in Wondo Genet and Konso. The study generally found that the prevailing violence, power asymmetry between conflict parties and ineffective organizational characteristics of local peace actors limit their peace potentials. Based on the findings and analyses thereof, the study suggests a necessity to adapt context-specific mechanisms, invest adequate time and financial resources and offer legal supports to enrich potentials of local peace actors to deal with actual and potentially violent communal conflicts.
Promotion of Genetically Modified Seeds in Ethiopia: Epistemic Violence on Farmers and the Land
(Addis Ababa University, 2024-10) Zelalem Yitbarek; Fana Gebresenbet (PhD)
The introduction of genetically modified (GM) seeds and the policy intentions to formally allow the use of GM seeds in Ethiopia's agriculture have sparked considerable debate regarding their impact on farmers and the environment. Advocates of GM seeds argue that they lead to higher yields and offer resistance to pests and drought. However, critics warn of environmental risks, reduced biodiversity, and the consolidation of control by multinational corporations. This thesis examines the promotion of GM seeds in Ethiopia through the lens of epistemic violence. Drawing on Paulo Freire's concept of epistemic violence, which refers to the suppression of the perspectives and knowledge of oppressed groups by dominant power and knowledge relations. Hence, the study argues that the use of GM seeds can be viewed as a form of epistemic violence. This includes the imposition of Western scientific paradigms on traditional agricultural practices, the disregard for local knowledge systems, and the resulting impacts on sustainability and food sovereignty. The study advocates for policies and practices based on farmer-led research and accessible resource management to address epistemic violence. It aims to promote dialogue and cooperation among stakeholders for a more sustainable and equitable agricultural future in Ethiopia. It explores the historical, socioeconomic, and political factors contributing to the promotion of GM seeds, the narratives that legitimize their use, and the perceptions of Ethiopian farmers regarding this technology. The impact of promoting GM seeds on agricultural biodiversity and socio-economic relationships at both local and national levels is examined. While the study highlights numerous controversial issues and paradoxes surrounding GM seed promotion, it underscores the tensions between technological innovation, agricultural sustainability, and social justice. It reveals how epistemic violence exacerbates existing inequalities, particularly marginalizing smallholder farmers and the larger farming community. Using interdisciplinary and qualitative research methods, the study analyses various aspects of epistemic violence in the promotion of GM seeds in Ethiopia. It advocates for a more inclusive and participatory approach that values the voices and knowledge systems of local communities. The findings suggest alternative actions to reconsider the promotion of GM seeds in Ethiopia in a manner that is more socially acceptable.
Ethiopia’s Security Predicaments: The Interplay of Domestic and External Vulnerabilities and Threats
(Addis Ababa University, 2024-10) Yonas Tariku; Asnake Kefale(PhD)
The literature on the national security of states that are commonly known as developing, Third World, fragile, or weak states asserts that their security concerns are domestically generated. And, where they are located next to each other in a region, there is little or no security dynamics as they lack the capacity to threaten one another. Due to this reason, their national security is confined to the domestic dimension and the external/regional security dynamics is generally dull. Building on this body of knowledge but challenging its claims about the external dimension, this dissertation unravels the question that if the domestic dimension of (in)security trumps the external, as the available literature indicates, what are the major sources Ethiopia’s security predicament as defined, framed, and addressed by the state/regime? Based on this, the dissertation, anchored on Subaltern Realism complemented by Regional Security Complex Theory, finds that: (a) Ethiopia’s security predicament is generated by the low levels of sociopolitical cohesion or national integration and political legitimacy accompanied by recurrent internal political violence, and hence, domestic insecurity dilemma; (b) despite the above, the external dimension of (in)security has also been important, and the domestic insecurity dilemma does not always trump the external, and (c) the above create a pattern of interplay between the domestic and external dimensions of (in)security inextricably linking Ethiopia’s national security with that of the stability and security of its neighbours in particular and the region in general. Adopting a constructivist research paradigm and qualitative case study design, data for this dissertation is generated/collected through primary and secondary sources including key informant interviews, the use of newspapers as open-archives, document reviews, and published and unpublished materials.
The Effects of Post-2018 Ethiopian Defense Reform (DR) on Military Professionalism. The Case of Ethiopian Air Force
(Addis Ababa University, 2024-11) Yifru Bogale; Yohannes.T (PhD)
The study to examine the effects of post-2018 defense reform (DR) on military professionalism in the case of the Ethiopian Air Force. The data obtained through a questionnaire from military personnel and staffs of Ethiopian Air Force employees were analyzed using means of descriptive statistics such as mean scores, frequencies, and percentages. The Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) software version 20 used to support more analysis in this study. The information for each item on the questionnaire was processed and reported through a descriptive statistic. The significance level of each variable is a sig-value of 0.000, 0.000, 0.000, and 0.990, and the standard beta coefficient is -0.209, 0.622, 0.482, and 0.001. The sig-values for political instability, corruption, and political will have a sig-value <0.05; both of these independent variables have significant effects on defense reform, while resistance to change has a sig-value >0.05, which means these independent variables have no significant effects on defense reform effectiveness. Forty six (46) members were chosen as interview participants from the entire Ethiopian Air Force population for this study. Additionally, the document analysis tools were utilized in the research. The results indicated challenges, such as improving coordination and communication between different security agencies, addressing gender disparities within the Air Force, ensuring consistent implementation of military discipline and ensuring the sustainability of the reforms encountered during different stages of the reform process. In conclusion, the post- 2018 defense reform (DR) in Ethiopia has had a significant impact on the military professionalism of the Ethiopian Air Force. The defense reform (DR) aimed to address longstanding issues of corruption, human rights abuses, and a lack of accountability within the security sector. The Ethiopian Air Force has undergone significant changes in terms of training, leadership, and organizational structure as part of the DR. Overall, the DR has had a positive impact on the military professionalism of the Ethiopian Air Force.
The Rise of Amhara Nationalism: Identity Construction, Ethnic-based Federal Order, and Societal Security in Ethiopia
(Addis Ababa University, 2024-01) Yared Debebe; Busha Taa (PhD)
The second half of the 20th century has witnessed the proliferation of ethnic nationalist movements in Ethiopia demanding more autonomy, secession, and so forth. At the heart of these competing nationalism lies the question of nationalities and the Amhara domination discourse. After years of struggle, the ethnic nationalist organizations established an ethnic-based federalism in post-1991 Ethiopia as a panacea to the question of nationalists. The institutional and political measures implemented after 1991, however, incited growing discontent among the Amhara, resulting in the 2016 outbreak of Amhara resistance and nationalistic sentiment. The purpose of this dissertation, therefore, is to explore the origins and development of Amhara nationalism in Ethiopia, 1991–2020. Through an examination of historical, political, and sociocultural factors, this study seeks to shed light on identity construction, dominant discourses and counter-discourses, questions and mobilization of Amhara nationalism. To address the objectives of the research, a qualitative case study is adopted. A constructivist philosophical worldview has informed the overarching research design. In doing so, the research draws on a range of primary and secondary sources. Data have been generated through focus group discussions, participant observation, and interviews with purposively selected informants from different political, social, and economic backgrounds. Furthermore, data have been extracted from archival materials such as journals, newspapers, political programs of different political parties, scholarly works on ethnic nationalism in Ethiopia, etc. Additionally, discursive formation, hegemony, and societal security theory have all served as theoretical foundations for the data analysis. In doing so, the major findings of the dissertation are as follows: The study indicated that Amhara ethno-national identity has been constructed from outside for the greater part of the last century and contested from within. However, recently, Amharaness has been embraced among the nationalists through re-imagining historical, heroic, material, and spiritual symbols. With all of the internal provincial divisions, the last decade has demonstrated the momentum of the discursive construction of Amharaness as a result of the dominant discourse that construes Amhara as "oppressor", "chauvinist", "settler", "neftegna", etc. The victimhood narrative espoused by Amhara nationalists throughout the years of ethnicbased federalism, especially the question over "ancestral territories", the establishment of Amhara-based political parties, a surge in publications on Amhara identity and resistance, the formation of civic societies, print and press media, the resistance movement that sparked in Gondar, etc., have contributed to the cultivation of collective identification among the Amhara. The study also illustrated that the rise of Amhara nationalism is both a resistance movement and an assertion of the place of Amhara in Ethiopia politics. It is a resistance or counter-movement to the hegemonic anti-Amhara discourse, which was introduced during the short years of the Italian colonial occupation, transformed in the years of the ESM, and institutionalized under TPLF/EPRDF rule. Amhara nationalism adopted a counter-discourse strategy aimed at deconstructing the dominant narratives and reclaiming them by systematically providing a suitable connotation. In terms of asserting the Amhara question, initially AAPO and later NaMA and other Amhara-based organizations strongly argued for the "Welkait question", or return of ancestral Amhara territories; amending the FDRE Constitution; altering the dominant ahistorical anti-Amhara narrative; ensuring the societal security of the Amhara to live and work in different parts of the country, etc. However, Amhara nationalism has been marred by various events that have checked its progression, such as the June 22, 2019 incident and strong provincial sentiment within the two major political parties, i.e., NaMA and ADP. What is more, the linkages between continuous ethnic-based profiling and assaults against the Amhara since the early 1990s were a major factor in mobilizing the Amhara mass to organize under the umbrella of a nationalist movement to ensure protection from future attacks. Lack of action from the ruling TPLF/EPRDF to stop the continuous attacks has fueled the Amhara nationalists' efforts to rally the masses into the movement. Political parties such as NaMA have, as a result, declared in their political programs that the Amhara are facing a survival threat in Ethiopia. In conclusion, Amharaness and Amhara nationalism are the products of assemblages of grievances emanating from a sense of marginalization in Ethiopian body politics, the ahistorical institution of the anti-Amhara narrative, and the repercussions that followed the ethnic-based federalism in post-1991 Ethiopia. With unabated identity-based attacks against the Amhara and unresolved questions, it is evident that Amhara nationalism will continue to play a significant role in shaping the political dispensation of the country. As such, further research is needed to better explain the dynamics of Amhara nationalism vis-a-vis the northern war that broke out in 2020. An ethnographic and political economy approach will also help to shed light on the cultural dimensions and economic elements that fueled the development of Amhara nationalism.
Post-Conflict Peacebuilding by the Inter-Religious Council of Ethiopia (Irce): The Case of Agaro
(Addis nAbaba University, 2022-06) Tsion Zerayakob; Yonas Tariku(PhD)
The focus of this research is assessing post-conflict peacebuilding by the Inter-Religious Council of Ethiopia (IRCE) in Jimma Zone, Agaro Woreda. It mainly intends to study the role of IRCE in Jimma peacebuilding program, the mechanisms applied, examining its effectiveness and functionality, the challenges and strengths of the peacebuilding program. It also studies the actions undertaken to enhance religious tolerance and to resolve conflicts between Christian and Muslim societies. It explores theoretical developments on peace and conflict as well as religion as a factor of conflict and peace. Furthermore, conceptual frameworks of peacebuilding, faith-based peacebuilding, faith-based civil societies, and mechanisms applied in the process are discussed. It uses qualitative research design, where the selected case study is an exploratory and single instrumental case. Non-probability sampling is selected as a sampling technique where purposive sampling and snow ball sampling are used to determine the sample size. Primary and secondary sources of data are used in the research, where the data collection instruments are Focus Group Discussion and Key Informant Interviews for primary data. The findings from the data analysis are; development of inter-faith organizations such as IRCE, partial restoration of former co-existence, unsatisfactory dialogue platform for victims and youths. Challenges incurred include skepticism of religious leaders, lack of public trust, financial constraints, legal limitations and exclusion of traditional conflict resolution techniques. Whereas, its strength includes local ownership of the post-conflict peacebuilding program, the integration of religious institutions for conflict resolution and a relatively good co-existing condition compared to the damage incurred. In conclusion if it is properly designed and managed post-conflict peace building program plays a significant role for ensuring sustainable peace, tolerance and social co-existence.
The Impact of Armed Conflict on Women and Girls: the Case of Northern Conflict in Weldiya Town
(Addis Ababa University, 2023-06) Tizita Mekuria; Mercy Fekadu (PhD)
The thesis argues that the impact of armed conflict on women and girls:the caseof Northern conflict in Woldiyatown.The study employed a qualitative research approach and also explanatory and case study research design by using primary source of data.Most of the African country faces different kinds of armed conflict and it is a political conflict where use of armed force by two parties and it has numerous impacts on the economic, political and social condition of the country. The country Ethiopia has been experienced a civil war in November 2020-2022. The war is being fought between the Government of Ethiopia (GoE) and the Tigray People‟s Liberation Front (TPLF) but the Amharan regional force (fano) and militia join the conflict on the side of Ethiopian government (GoE). The northern conflict touches the Tigray, Amhara and Afar region. itaffects social, political and economic condition of the regions and there was a loss of human life, destruction of property and infrastructures such as road, hospital, school, electricity, telecommunication and etc. and there was high internal displacement and risk of famine are among the most mentioned.This thesis in particular focuses on how the conflicts influence the women and girls andtry to identify the sexual and gender-based violence in the conflict and also examine the support of the community and local government for the women and girls who are affected in the conflict and it alsoassess why gender-based violence used as weapon of war in Northern conflict. Gender based violence is one the serious impact of conflict,it affects both the women and men‟s but the women and girls particularly vulnerable to almost all forms of violence such as rape, torture, mass rape, forced pregnancy, sexual slavery, enforced prostitution, and etc. those gender-based violence leads to different kinds of health problems, sexual transmitted diseases, mental and physical problems, loss of livelihood they also neglected from different social interaction. During the war time those gender-based violence have been use as a weapon of war and the women and girls have been the prime target of armed conflict and suffered its effect.
Ethiopla s Role in the United Nations Security Council
(Addis Ababa University, 2029-10) Tesfaye Gebremicheal; Yonas Tariku
The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is the most powerful international institution in the history of the nation-state system. It is predominately becoming an influential body in global politics where member states are contributing their respective shares in copious world affairs. In the case of Ethiopia, despite the fact that it had been elected three times as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council in the past; little is known about its roles, activities and overall practices in the Council. In this respect, this study intends to explore the role of Ethiopia in the UN Security Council, primarily focusing on its aspirations, voting behaviors and rationales behind its votes on Security Council Resolutions. In addition, it appraises the basic Security Council reform issues, and presents an assessment of the major reform proposals (the 2005 UN High Level Panel Report, the Group of Four and the Africa Union proposals) in line with Ethiopia’s stances as well as its level of eligibility for a permanent seat in the Security Council. To achieve the objectives of the thesis, the researcher employed a qualitative methodological approach. Data were collected from both primary and secondary sources. The primary data were collected via key informant interview with higher officials, senior diplomats as well as other pertinent experts in the area of the study, while the secondary data were collected from books, journal articles, the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs database, and United Nations mission reports as well as internet resources. Since the data gathered are essentially of qualitative nature, the researcher employed qualitative data analysis techniques. The study argues that Ethiopia’s voting behavior is more or less consistent in regard to protecting its national interest as well as promoting the African agenda, while it is partially consistent as regards to global issues with its declared foreign policy. Furthermore, it pursues a hedging position with the permanent members, cooperates with the elected members, and aligns with fellow African representatives in the Council. The findings of the study revealed that Ethiopia, as part of fulfilling its international responsibility, has adopted a strict legalist approach to Security Council affairs. The country corporately supports the reform of the Security Council, and also it has been found out to be leading, among the African comparator’s group, for the aspired two African permanent seats in the Security Council. In conclusion, this study highlights the importance of revising the existing foreign policy and framing a uniform international legal behavior as well as well-articulated guiding principles. Generally, it has been suggested that there are works yet to be done, including image building and diplomatic works aiming at enhancing the role of the country in the UN Security Council
Driving Factors to Protest and Implications on Social Capital: The Case of Gondar City 2016-18
(Addis Ababa University, 2021-06) TadiyosTsegaye; Fana Gebresenbet (PhD)
This paper scrutinizes the driving factors of the 2016-18 Gondar city protest and its implication on social capital. Conflicts are ubiquitous in every society. Violent protests are one form of conflicts. Recently, Ethiopia has been wracked by multitudes of protests in Amhara national regional state and Oromia national regional state. Following an attempt to arrest leaders of Welqayt Amhara Identity Committee, a protest was broke out in Gondar city on July, 2016. This incident is only accredited as a triggering cause for the eruption of the protest. Thus, the main objective of this thesis is to explore the major driving causes of the protest and its implications on the social capital. To this end, the researcher employed a qualitative research methodology. Accordingly, interviews and Focus group discussions bestow the primary data. Document analysis and image analysis endeavor to supplement the primary data. Purposeful sampling was used in order to select two sub-cities and 15 informants from bureaus and associations. Besides, Snowball sampling was used to select 7 elders and 7 protest mobilizers, facilitators and participants. In general, 29 individuals were participated in the study. The collected data was analyzed thematically. Thereupon, the finding of the study unfolds that the juxtaposition of political factors, economic factors and local good governance factors ensued a grievance on the people and incited the protest. The protest was violent and some strikes signaled an attempt to instrumentalize ethnic identity. In this regard, the study uncovers, the protest brought different implications on the in-group social capital within Amharas and inter-group social capital between Amharas and Tigrians. The protest strengthened the bonding social capital which extends up to consolidation of Amhara nationalism and abated the bridging social capital between Amharas and Tigriyans. The study also discovers ways that the bridging social capital can be rejuvenated with an integrated effort and work by the people, government and political elites. In order to halt the likelihood of revitalization of this kind of violent protest in the near future, the Amhara political elite, the Tigriyan political elite and the federal government should work together and discuss on table to settle disputes peacefully.
Institute For Peace and Security Studies Ipss The Role of Peasant Militia in Maintaining Local Peace: The Case of Ahferom and Merebleke Woreda Administrations in Tigray Regional State
(Addis Ababa Unversity, 2020-06) Mebrahtom Gebremeskel; Yonas Adaye (PhD)
This study aims at examining the role of local peasant militia in maintaining local peace in two wereda administrations of the Tigray National Regional State, namely Ahferom and Mereb Leke in the central zone of the region. Field data were gathered through key informant interview and focus group discussions. As the findings of the study show, the peasant militia is a vital force, which plays irreplaceable role in maintaining local peace in the Tigray National Regional State, in both war and peace times. As it was the case during the Ethiopia Eritrea war, in times of war, in the absence of the regular army, the militia force plays the role of defending the country from external and internal threats. The militia force also plays a supporting role in terms of facilitating logistics flows, collecting military information, and evacuating wounded soldiers from the war zone to safe areas where they would find medical treatment. In peace times, in collaboration with the police and other stakeholders like the mass-based associations, the peasant militia plays a vital role in maintaining local peace through preventing crimes in their locality. They also protect public and private investment infrastructures and projects, without which local development could not be materialized. However, although the militia force is an important force to maintain local peace and stability, it has critical problems, which would constrain to effectively accomplish its activities. The first problem is that the peasant militia are serving without any payment. The second problem is the process of selection to join militia is not rigorous enough. Consequently, it is common to see individual persons who do not actually fulfill the required criteria are selected and armed to become militia by the local administration. Therefore, the findings of the study suggest that to ease the challenges that would limit the effectiveness of the militia as a guarantor of local peace, the Regional Government should first, provide a mechanism that would enable the militia member find economic benefits that would compensate the time they invest in maintaining local peace. Second, the local administrations and concerned bodies of the Regional Government should strictly follow up whether the recruitment procedures are dully implementing.
Conflict Dynamics and Youth-targeted Peacebuilding Process in Oromia National Regional State since 2014: The Case of Nekemte Town
(Addis Ababa University,, 2020-06) Daniel Admasu; Yonas Adaye (PhD)
Centered on the Oromo protests since 2014 and taking Nekemte town as a reference point, this thesis studied the dynamics of conflicts in relation to youth targeted peacebuilding process. This study was purely qualitative and employed an exploratory and evaluative approach. To that end, observation, interview and documentary analysis were used as data collection methods. The youth broadly known by the name Qeerroo in Oromia revolted for structural, intermediate and triggering issues from 2014 to 2018. Since the advent of “reforming agents” and the 3 rd Prime Minister (Abiy Ahmed Ali) of the FDRE in April 2018, some political, legal and economic reforms (peacebuilding initiatives) have been launched. These peacebuilding activities includes, but not limited to, releasing all political prisoners, conducting peace agreement with the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) followed by disarming the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) and establishing peace and reconciliation commission. However, findings showed that the implementation of the 2018 Asmara peace agreement is was problematized hence led to violent conflicts between the regional ruling Oromo Democratic Party (ODP) and OLF. As a result, the disarming process was miscarried, reconciliation initiative became rhetoric thereby youth engagement in the ongoing peacebuilding was overlooked. And this led the youth into a condition of frustration, rejection and befuddlement triggering them to engage in violent protests. In this case, the ongoing peacebuilding was found out ineffective in preventing a relapse into conflicts. To that end, the study figured out that lack of negotiated „road map‟, absence of transparency and neutral third party in the 2018 Asmara peace agreement, lack of trust and evenhandedness in the disarming process of the OLA, failure to devise an effective healing approach and inattention towards an effective youth engagements are the major gaps in the peacebuilding process underway. In this way, the current dynamics in the study area showed that three political parties in Oromia (ODP, OLF and OFC) and affiliated youth wings are the key actors in conflict. Particularly, the study also identified two key emergent armed actors uncommon before 2018 in Nekemte town namely, the disconnected OLA and the clandestine “Hit squad‟ group locally known as “Abba Torbee”. As such, conflict mapping of key actors‟ interactions divulged that armed and unarmed actors are interacting in an interdependent and complex way in Nekemte town in the post-2018 period. In view of the findings, the regional ruling party ODP (Oromia PP) need to make a meaningful departure from the post 1991 order‟s „non-negotiated‟, hostile and intolerant mode of dealing with the OLF and OFC and be committed to engage in a genuine and fully transparent peace negotiation and political consensus. Equally, the regional ruling ODP (Oromia PP) must go beyond rhetoric in devising an effective justice and reconciliation approach so as to sufficiently heal traumas and end mistrust and animosity generated from past conflicts thereby enabling the key political actors and affiliated youth wings „to work harmoniously together‟ in the study area.
Exploring Traditional Peacemaking Processes in Ethiopia: Gamo Elders As Model Peacemakers
(Addis Ababa Unversity, 2020-06) Lako Pulea; Habtamu Wondimu (Professor)
The objective of this study is to explore traditional peacemaking processes in Ethiopia: Gamo elders as model peacemakers (2018-2020). To achieve the above objective, the researcher uses qualitative research methodology and exploratory research design. The data are collected primarily from 12 KIIs, one FGD and observation and secondary sources. Gamo elders have long experiences in conflict management, resolution and reconciliation. They consider the term conflict as disagreement, difference and misunderstanding. Participants have mentioned the negative effects of conflicts as follows: deaths of human life, destruction of private and public properties, social, economic and political crises, fear, etc. The major sources of conflicts in the study area are: competition over natural resources such as land (for farm and grazing) and water (for irrigation and fishing); value and faith-based conflicts; criminal and political related causes include corruption, insults, theft, etc.; and poverty related pushes like unemployment. To tackle these, Gamo use traditional peacemaking processes such as the tuuge, iginththo, and gomppa processes at their traditional institution called dubbusha. Procedurally, cases are seen according to the appealing procedures of dubbusha. Since 2018, the roles of Gamo elders in peace-making are increasing. This is because, (1) accessibility, efficiency and effectiveness of TCMIs; (2) having traditional peacemaking values; (3) weakness of governmental institutions to provide peace and justice; and (4) the roles of Medias in promoting and introducing the elders roles to the world. However, their roles are not without challenges and limitations. The discussed challenges are globalization, politicians’ interference, and institutional barriers, expansion of urbanization and question of impartiality among elders. In the study area, both governmental and traditional institutions are working together in the time of crises and sometimes their relationship is reflected in competition and conflicting. Thus, the researcher recommends that the relationship between the two institutions should be considered relevant and avoids unjustified interferences over one another.
Conflict Early Warning and Early Response Mechanisms in Post-1991 Ethiopia: The Case of Oromia and Somali Regional States’ Border Conflict
(Addis Ababa Unversity, 2018-05) Temesgen Bayissa; Tadesse Berisso(Associate Professor); Fekadu Adugna (Associate Professr)
In the last four decades, the international peace agenda has been dominated by debates on conflict prevention. In Africa, the post-Cold War era has witnessed a shift in emphasis from conflict management to conflict prevention. While conflict management focuses on armed aspects of conflict, conflict prevention tries to contain and resolve imminent conflicts by responding to visible signs and indicators. Essentially, the shift is necessitated by the shortcomings of the reactionary rather than proactive nature of conflict management approaches. Irrespective of the paradigm shift towards conflict prevention, Africa in general and the countries of the Horn in particular continue to witness persistent violent conflicts. Conflict early warning and response system as a tool for conflict prevention has assumed more prominence in international conflict prevention platforms such as the United Nations (UN), African Union (AU), and Regional Economic Communities (REC), research institutions and National Governments, including Ethiopia. The adoption of early warning practice in conflict prevention has had its successes and failures. Cases of success are evident in Sierra Leone, while the failure of the International community to contain the genocide in Rwanda has been cited for its failure. This study therefore, primarily examines how the national conflict early warning and response system instituted by MOFPDA has worked or failed to prevent conflicts before it escalates to violent level in Ethiopia taking the Oromia and Somali National Regional States‟ border conflict as a case study. This study argues that the absence of viable and strong institution of early warning systems and response leads to conflict escalation. The study adopts conflict prevention theory propounded by Michael S. Lund (2009) as theoretical framework of analysis. Lund contends that the success of conflict prevention is contingent on the following three assumptions: early response to manifestations of indicators; an all-inclusive, coordinated process of key stages of conflict early warning to mitigate tension or threats to violence; and concerted attempts to transform the root causes of violence. Methodologically, the study employed qualitative research approach and data gathering was made by using interviews, focus group discussions, field observation and analysis of available documents. Empirical data were sourced from cases of the Oromo-Somali border conflicts, using two conflicthotspot districts – Mi‟esso and Moyale. This border area hasexperienced persistent and complex armed conflict. The findings of this study indicate that the federal process has no strong conflict prevention, early warning and response institution. Lack of viable and strong institution for conflict early warning and early response systems – both at National (MOFPDA) and Oromia and Somali Regional States level to prevent the escalation of conflicts at its earlier stage have caused local and regional disputes to grow into violent conflicts. The study further points out that, institutionalizing and strengthening early warning systems will lead to a significant reduction of conflicts along the inter-regional borders. Also, the nature of cooperation and synergy between federal and regional conflict early warning and response mechanisms in the prevention and mitigation of Oromia- Somali border conflict is weak. The centralized policy and decision-making process of the ruling party and lack of impartial institutions for intergovernmental relationship has hindered strong synergy and cooperation between federal and regional governments.
Exploring the Impacts of Displacement on the Health Security of Idps In Addis Ababa: The Case of Bole Sub-City
(Addis Ababa Unversity, 2024-06) Lemlem Shiferaw; Edeglign Hailu (PH.D)
The growing number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Ethiopia is attracting humanitarian concern. There have been influxes of IDPs migrating to Addis Ababa abandoning their habitual residence for the sake of getting relief. However, these IDPs are facing several challenges. Thus, this study focused on the impact of displacement on the health security of internally displaced persons in Addis Ababa: the Case of Bole Sub City. The main objective of the study is to investigate the impacts of displacement on the health security of IDPs in Addis Ababa. It tried to answer three questions. These are: What are the health security challenges of the IDPs in Addis Ababa; what factors that contributed to health security challenges of the IDPs in Addis Ababa and how health security challenges of the IDPs could be addressed. To achieve these objectives, the research targeted two data sources; internally displaced persons located in Bole Bulbula and the concerned stake holders. Concerning the sampling technique employed in this study was purposive sampling for select ing the IDPs and key informants. The instruments used to collect data were interview, Focused group dis cussion, and observation. Then, as the obtained result indicated these IDPs are facing several health chal lenges due to the problem in getting the basic needs and health care services. So, they were mostly suffering from infectious diseases which broke out recurrently. These diseases are like mumps, measles, diarrhea, ma laria, and tuberculosis. They are also suffering from malnutrition especially children and expectant and nursing mothers. These all were resulted from the lack of access to basic needs and healthcare services. However, the responses of the government were not satisfactory and made it their survival worse. But some reliving actions were made as immediate solutions even if they were not successful enough Besides, no hu manitarian agencies were requested to offer support to these IDP population; no involvement of NGOs or other humanitarian agencies as the (African Union) Kampala Convention on Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) Guiding Principles demand. The government‟s response was not as it was expected to save the lives of these people and maintain the health security as well as human security. As a result, it is recommended that these IDP populations need at least temporary relief owing to the dire challenges they are facing. The very basic needs like water, shelter, clothing, latrines and health care should be addressed until a long lasting solution is rendered. Moreover, by taking into consideration the cost of human lives these problems may cause, durable solutions are required. These are like returning to their habitual residence or resettling this IDP population will help to improve the situation; and it can bring life-long change.
The Impact of Conflicts and Post-Conflict Reconstruction on Human Security: The Case of War Widows in Woldia, Northern Ethiopia
(Addis Ababa University,, 2023-05) Hulualem Girma; Ezera Abate (PhD)
Conflict widows, who face many challenges due to the impact of conflict and widowhood, are the most marginalized and forgotten group in post-conflict reconstruction. The purpose of this case study will be to explore the effects of the conflict and post-conflict reconstruction on human security for the armed conflict widows living in northern Ethiopia, the Amhara regional state, at Woldia town, in order to draw attention to their insecurity and make them especially considered in future recovery, development, and peacebuilding efforts in Woldia and other conflict-affected areas of Ethiopia. A qualitative case study research design, three-step sampling techniques, and the principle of data saturation were used. Semi-structured interviews were used to gather primary data, and secondary data was collected from the internet. Then, using a six-step thematic analysis methodology, the data were analyzed primarily using deductive thematic analysis techniques, with the help of inductive techniques to capture new codes, relationships, and themes generated from the data. The finding shows that the conflict affects the conflict widows in many components of their human security. All the effects of the conflict on one component of human security also have a relationship with and connection to the other component. The results show that the conflict makes them widows, and these widows become vulnerable because of the impact of the conflict and widowhood. Conflict widows were affected by crime, SGBV, looting, property loss, income loss, and income generation activity loss; they also became IDPs; they lived in unhealthy small homes; they were psychologically and physically traumatized; they were vulnerable to food shortages and undernutrition; they found it difficult to maintain inheritance rights; they were grieving; and so on. This impacts their basic physiological and safety needs, which include personal, health, food, and economic security, and their psychosocial needs, which include their relationship with location (home), community, and time (which shows the impact on “identity, recognition, participation, and autonomy”). Their coping strategies and support from post-conflict reconstruction were found to be ineffective in lessening their vulnerability

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