Federalism

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State and Nation Building in Ethiopia: With Special Reference to the Ethiopian Federalism
(AAU, 2015-05) Monenus Hundara; Yacob Arsano( Associate Professor)
In politico-historical terms, nation building has been central during state formation or consolidation in all parts of the world. Nation building basically urges to create one nation without due consideration of diversity in the country. After Westphalia treaty, in practical terms, most European states objected to destruct diversity and create culturally homogenous polities. Moreover, in the postcolonial periods, the African and Latin American states have pursued nation building strategy in the state formation and consolidation attempts. The inherent problems (denial of people-hood, overlapping citizenship and nationality and cultural homogeneity) of nation building project had/have challenged the political elites in order to respond to societal demands. In the mean time, the concept of state building has emerged in a way to accommodate diversity through the institutional, policy and politico-psychological innovations like federalism, democracy and multiculturalism. Federalism is of such innovation to establish a state nation instead of nation state through the elements of shared-rule and self-rule balancing nation-hood and state-hood. The Ethiopian experience shows plausible centralist-unitary pursued by successive regimes through cultural assimilation. As a result of failed/confused nation-building project the Ethiopian state and society have experienced rough vertical and horizontal relations. In Ethiopia nation building, reasonably has failed having implications for post-1991 Ethiopian state and society. Understanding the historical trajectory of the Ethiopian state and society, the EPDRF regime has come up with state building project through ethnic federalism and revolutionary democracy. Later on, the regime has lavishly added two strategies: developmental state and a dominant party democracy. In the last two and half decades the country’s socio-economic and political developments are shaped by strategies of state and/or nation building projects. Accordingly, Ethiopia under EPDRF has experienced two state building phases: from 1991-2001 and from 2001-to present thereby mixing state building and nation building projects together. The first phase of Ethiopia’s state building approach has been responsive whereby historical injustices were addressed both in the constitution and institutional arrangements. The post 2001, however, has implied a retreat to unresponsive state and nation building approach where national issues are given priority without/little due consideration of regional self-rule. The objective of this study is to explore the role that GERD contributes to state and nation building projects in contemporary Ethiopia. To pursue this, the study used both secondary and primary data sources. The data showed that the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) is one of mega-projects under construction exhibiting socio-economic, political, psychological and geopolitical dynamics. The finding denoted that GERD has positive contribution in the contemporary state and nation building projects through socio-economic, psychological and geo-political aspects endeavoring to enhance national consensus. It has the potential to strengthen the federal shared-rule while its contribution on the regional self-rule will be the potential policy and scholar research interest. However, the development drive long the developmental state seems to undermine the federal values and democratization processes that might be unresponsive approach of state building project. Some nations still demand their own nationhood than national statehood informing the gaps and challenges to Ethiopia’s ethnic federalism. The study suggests addressing issues undermining responsive state and nation building approach in line with the federal democracy would result in successful state and nation building in Ethiopia. This in turn enhances national consensus and bring about smooth state-society and intra-society relations.
The State of Vertical Division of Political Power in the Ethiopian Federation
(Addis Ababa,University, 2017-04) Haftetsion, Fiseha
Vertical divison of power is the essence of federalism in this qualitve dissertion. The author Investigates the state of vertical division of political power in the Ethiopian federation this Work was guided by the assumptions and principles of the critical paradigm.
The Accommodation of Minority Rights in Oromia National Regional State: A Case Study of Girar Jarso Woreda
(AAU, 2016-05) Shimelis, Kassaye; Yared, Tegbaru
This thesis aspires to investigate as to how the rights of Amhara minorities in Girar larso Woreda within Oromia National Regional State, particularly in North Shewa Zone resonate with the constitutional framework that installed an ethno-regional federal set-up since 1991. In the processes of investigation, secondary and primary sources were used. Accordingly, the researcher employed to show facts even during the Hailessellassie and the Derg regime of the nation-building policy, Amharic language was a national language and the members of Amhara nation had settled (occupied) in the boarder of Amhara and Oromia of some corners, and urban centers of Oromia. When we come to see and compare the laws governing the Ethiopia as a federal, contrasting the FDRE Constitution, the ONRS Constitution has not a room for non-Oromo nations found in the region. Unlike Oromia Regional States, some Regional States of federal Ethiopia, embraced and gave recognition for some minority groups in their regional governments. This causes dissimilarity among the regional states within the Ethiopian federation. The Amhara minorities of seven rural Kebeles, found in Girar larso Woreda, in Northern Zone of Oromia, that full fill the terms set by the FDRE constitution; as they are an ethnic group, territorially defined, known with their own language and unique culture is the case. Nevertheless, they have not been the beneficiaries of sovereign power and have not been entitled to the right to self-rule in their area, and shared the power with its regional states. In effect, this thesis found out that, as this minority group cannot be judged and get served fully in their own language, Amharic, and almost all literates of the group cannot be employed to serve in their public sectors of Woreda, Zonal, and Regional States of Oromia for often they fail to speak the working language of the region, Afaan Oromo. Now this discourages their literates and caused them to migrate far from their birthplace to search job where Amharic language is used. The up growing child students in primary schools are also decreasing in their schooling enrollments participation. Some enrolled students in the school are also resulted in dropouts. Therefore, these need solutions in considering the problems with the pillar gateways of the federal system self-rule and shared-rule.
Developmental State Model within the Ethiopian Federation: Impacts on Multilevel Development Governance
(Addis Ababa,University, 2021-11) Yemanebirhan, Ermias; Ayele, Zemelak (PhD; Associate Professor)
Ethiopia’s experiment with the Developmental State Model within a context of a federal system has been the subject of debate among scholars and policymakers. This study examines whether and how the Developmental State Model has impacted the multilevel development governance system within the Ethiopian federation. It specifically aims to examine how the Developmental State Model has affected the democratic and federal aspects of development governance as provided under the 1995 Federal Constitution. Within this umbrella question, the study seeks to answer the following specific questions: (1) Are the Developmental State Model and a federal political system conceptually incompatible? (2) What are the major issues of (in)compatibility and questions between the Developmental State Model vis-à-vis Ethiopia’s federal system? (3) What are the manifestations of, if any, authoritarianism under the Ethiopian Developmental State Model and the implications thereof on a democratic multilevel development governance system within the Ethiopian federation? (4) How have the federal government’s development policies under the Ethiopian Developmental State Model impacted the vertical division of power between tiers of government, as outlined under the 1995 Constitution? The study employed a qualitative research methodology, where large scale commercial farming, industrial parks, and rural-urban integrated master plan were purposively selected as cases for the study representing the three core sectoral policy areas of the Ethiopian developmental state (i.e. agriculture, industry, and urban development). Likewise, participants were selected purposively and data were gathered using in-depth interviews and focus group discussions with key informants, and review of pertinent documents, including policies, plans, constitutions, proclamations, regulations, party documents. both at federal and regional state levels. The findings of the study is that although the Developmental State Model tends to favor centralized state structure and authoritarian governance system, these nevertheless are not the inherent features of the model, and the model in and of itself is not necessarily incompatible with a federal political system, as the experiences of countries like India and South Africa, which managed to build a democratic developmental state under a decentralized state structure, clearly demonstrate. However, regarding Ethiopia’s experience, the study shows that the fact that the country’s federal system is organized along ethnic lines along the prominence of hegemonic party politics practiced by the EPRDF poses a serious compatibility dilemma for harmonious co-existence of the Developmental State Model with the federal system in Ethiopia. Under the Ethiopian Developmental State Model, the EPRDF-led government sought to entrench developmentalism as a hegemonic ideology that governs the country’s political economy by introducing a variety of measures and legislations (press and media, electoral, civil society, and anti-terrorism laws). These measures have significantly contributed to a shrinking of the democratic space and political pluralism in the country by undermining a decentralized and democratic development governance, as reflected in the top-down, exclusionary and coercive development policies witnessed, for example, in the case of the Integrated Master Plan for Addis Ababa City and the surrounding areas of the Oromia Regional State. Some of the development policies such as policies on large-scale farming and industrial parks development projects also saw an encroachment of the prerogatives of regional states by the federal government, highlighting how the Ethiopian Developmental State Model has undermined the country’s federal system, which provides for a democratic, decentralized development governance system, as enshrined under the 1995 Federal Constitution. This has had far-reaching repercussions and a significant contribution to political developments witnessed recently in Ethiopia, particularly between 2015 and 2018, where perennial mass protests and political crises that have gripped the country, as well as other important political developments that have been unfolding ever since that would be quite instrumental in shaping the country’s political future.
An Assessment of the Realization of the Right to Preschool Education for Children with Visual and Hearing Impairment Inaddis Ababa Ethiopia
(AAU, 2017-02-10) Fetene, Dehininet; Abate, Mizanie(Assistance Professor)
The principal objective of this research is to assess the realization of preschool education for visual and hearing impairment children in Addis Ababa Ethiopia. This research used qualitative research methodology. This research substantially relays on primary data which was collected through interviews conducted with specialist of education and leaders of organizations for and of persons with disability, teachers and owners of preschool institutions. The views of key informants from the implementers of the laws and policies of the country in the educational sector is secured through interview. The right to education has got recognition in the international human right instruments. In these human right instruments compulsory education starts from grade one to eight. Thus the right to preschool education does not gate a clear recognition in almost all human right instruments which Ethiopia ratified. Besides to this the constitution and subsidiary laws of Ethiopia does not give a clear guaranty for preschool education. Thus as the research disclosed preschool education is not available, accessible, acceptable and adaptable for visual and hearing impairment children as their non-disabled peers. Thus the researcher argues preschool education must be realized for visual and hearing impairment children without any discrimination based on their disability. And the policy of inclusive education must accommodate the needs of the visual and hearing impairment children in the ground based on their individual needs.
Protection of Minority Rights in Harari Region: Case Study of Local Governments
(Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 2017-04) Tesfaye, Yitbarek; Mengistie, Sisay(PhD)
Ethiopia is one of the ancient countries in the world which was a decentralized state until it changed to a process of centralization that took place in a period extending over a century. Present day Ethiopia was created by highlander rulers through twin processes of political and economic conquest in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Emperor Menelik II (1889-1913) embarked on a campaign of expanding his rule from the central highland regions to the South, West and East of the country. After the demise of the power of Emperor Menlik II and his eventual death, in 1913 the centralization drive continued by Ras Tafari Mekonnen leter he became crowned Emperor Haile Selassie in November 1930. He continued by his highly centralized system of governance without considering the existing diversity of ethno national communities and in the name of the nation-building. The system recognized only Orthodox Christianity as a state religion, Amharic as an official /national language, and other political opportunities without considering diverse societies of the country. because of his centralized rule and lack of proper and adequate reform different struggles raised in different ways, This popular movement caused the break down of Haile Selassie‘s regime in 1974. At that time because of lack of organized political groups to lead the country a military officers called Derg controle to the power in September 1974. The Derg era was characterized by massive human rights violations and internal conflicts. So after a bitter 17 years struggle he defited in 1991 by the Ethiopian Peoples‘ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) Girmachew Alemu (2010,pp.4-5). The new rulers announced a radically different nation and state building policy. Under the guidance of the EPRF they declared their interest that to break the past injustices and to develop a new Ethiopian society based on freedom, equal rights and most notably self-determination for all Ethiopian peoples. The right to self-determination is the foundation of the new constitutional strategy of state building. In the FDRE Constitution ethnic groups which are territorially defined have become the bearers of sovereign power and entitled to the right to self-determination by constructing nine constitute units arranged based on territorial and hitter titular ethnic majority groups. So harari is one of the nine regional states which is an inhabitant of different ethnic communities. Hrari is the sovereign power and become the majority ethnic of the region. But non indigenous minorities are discriminated in political participation. The only Harari and Oromo people are the participants in the political game (Harari constitution 2004).
Federalism and Urban Governance: An Explorative Study of Intergovernmental Relations in Cities of Adama and Assosa, Ethiopia
(Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 2017-06) Wakjira, Ketema; Padmanabhan, V.K.(Assistant Professor)
In the contexts of federal/multilevel arrangements and the urbanization processes, the effectiveness of urban governance involves intergovernmental coordination and cooperation. This thesis aims to explore the institutions and practices of IGR in urban governance under the federal system of Ethiopia. Through a comparative analysis of the case cities of Adama and Assosa, it analyses how the contextual factors in which the cities are embedded determine the design of urban institutions, local capacity and their relationship with the regional and neighboring local governments. The thesis also examines how the processes and practices of IGR operate in urban service provisions in the two cities under consideration. The study has used Intergovernmental Relation (IGR) framework as an institutional and practical exploration of urban governance issues in a federal setting. A multilevel research approach and a case study design are employed to analyze the municipal governance architecture, city’s vertical and lateral relationships, and IGR in urban service deliveries. The study has found out that the problem of urban governance is due to a mismatch between the local institutional capacities and functional responsibilities, and the existing institutions and practices of IGR did not empower the cities to bring effective urban service deliveries. The regional states have put the principles including the local autonomy, city’s accountability to the region and the need for cooperation, mutual respect, support and partnership as the basis for relations between the cities and regional states. The analysis, however, shows that the role of IGRs in urban service delivery is hampered due to competing urban visions, unsettled design of urban institutions, blurred regulatory powers over urban space and use of IGR instruments for political expediencies. This study, therefore, contends that the settled institutional status of cities, adequate local capacity, and strong and empowering institutions of IGRs could help for resolving the challenges of urban governance in Ethiopia.
The Role of Constituent Units in Foreign Affairs in Ethiopia
(Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 2016-06) Gebretsadik, Yeheyis; Belay, Nahusenay
Accommodating Exogenous Communities at Local Level: The Case of Gura-Ferda Woreda of SNNPRS and Pawe Woreda of BGNRS
(AAU, 2017-06) Chekol, Melese; Ayitenew, Zemelak (PhD)
Ethiopia has adopted what is often referred to as ethnic federalism which aims to accommodate the ethnic diversity of the Ethiopian people principally, if not exclusively, through territorial mechanisms. It establishes nine ethnically demarcated regional states and provides the establishment of sub-regional territorial and political units for intra-regional ethnic minorities based on the same federal principle. Implied, or assumed to have been implied, in this federal arrangement is a notion of endogeneity in a sense only that only those ethnic communities that are viewed as endogenous to a specific territorial area are considered to be entitled for self-government either at regional or sub-regional level. This leaves out the millions who are considered to be exogenous without clear constitutional protection. A qualitative approach with purposive sampling techniques was employed during data collection. Interview, Focus group discussion and field observation was employed in this thesis. Among exogenous communities (not necessarily ethnic communities) in such constitutional quandary are those who moves to the areas now make parts such regions as Benishangul-Gumuz and SNNP as part of the villagization and resettlement of programs of the imperial and Derg eras. These communities are mostly found in clearly demarcated territorial areas which are equal or larger than a woreda in terms of territorial and population size. And, despite being of different ethnic background, the settlers have over the years developed a sense a community. Yet, they seem to have no constitutional protection and under the mercy of the endogenous communities of each region. Regardless of the position of the Constitution regarding such communities, this thesis undertook to investigate whether and how such communities are in practice accommodated in the regions they are found. To this effect it selected the Pawe woreda of Benishangul-Gumuz and Gura-Ferda woreda of SNNP. The so called exogenous communities are found in the majority in both of these woredas. However, they are treated differently. In Pawe woreda, where members of the exogenous community constitute over 99 percent of the population, they are allowed to have full control over the political and administrative institutions of the woreda. They are represented in the regional government and, compared to members of the exogenous communities living in other parts of Benishangul-Gumuz region, are least harassed by members of the endogenous communities. The situation is starkly different in Gura-Ferda. There, despite them being in majority, members of exogenous communities are excluded from the political institutions of the woredas. And they suffer from actual or threat of eviction.
Governance and Service Delivery in Gambella City Administration
(Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 2017) Hawaz, Nardos; Ayietenew, Zemelak (PhD)
Gambella city is the capital of the Gambella regional states. Despite its status as the capital of the region, it has an abysmal record in terms of providing basic services. The water supply network of the Gambella city, let alone of the region, is in an extremely bad shape. Only 50 percent of the population of the city has access to clean drinking water. The current supply system is designed for population of 40,000 to serve for 20 years. It however serves more than 67,000 residents of the city. The total length of distribution pipe work is estimably to be 37 kilometers. Based on this system only about 2,240 customers who receive portable water. With respect to the provision of health services, there are two health stations in the city. However only one of the health stations actually provides services all residents of the city. Education is the only sector which is correspondingly provided in 5 kebeles of the city among the state service as each kebeles has the same number of primary school except 01 and 02 Kebeles. The municipal services are not also in better shape. For the purpose of analysis in qualitative approach, public service problems are conducted from official non official documents. In order to ensure the analysis interview had been conducted. This study hence seeks to investigate whether the malfunction of the city is linked to the institutional (constitutional, policy and legislative) design of the city government system.
Accommodation of Diversity and Rights of Women in Ethiopian Federalism: The Case of Guraghe Zone, SNNPR
(AAU, 2018-04) Kinfe, Sisay; Bayisa, Reggasa(PhD)
Absence of women‟s participation/voice in customary local institutions, limited empowerment of women, shallow understanding of autonomy and multiculturalism, and legislative gaps are factors that hinder the protection of rights of women in the family arena within ethno-cultural communities in Guraghe Zone of the SNNPR. This research by examining institutional system for the protection of collective rights and rights of women showed the opportunities and challenges of resolution of conflict of culture and rights at local level. In doing this, the thesis filled the gaps seen in the literature regarding process of transformation of customary local institutions and its limitation as a mechanism of resolution of conflict of culture and rights in the family arena in Ethiopian federalism. The limited emphasis given to rights of women to participate in customary local institutions is the main factor that undermines enforcement of rights of women in the family arena both in the state and non-state institutions. In patriarchal society, such as Ethiopia, women were/are voiceless in the (re)construction of culture, such as customary laws. This is one of the challenges in the process of elimination of discrimination and harmful customary practices against women within ethno-cultural community as well as in the enforcement of right of exit. Making multicultural feminist standpoint and human rights norms the theoretical and methodological framework for this research; the researcher explored the institutional systems for the promotion and protection of rights of women at local level. These theories have the purpose of resolving conflict of culture and rights, i.e., conflict between collective and individual right, by making all, who are concerned and involved, to have voice in the resolution of those conflicts. Document analysis, interviews, focus group discussion and observation are the methods used to collect qualitative data. Interpretional and reflective method of data analysis has been used to analyze empirical data.
Assessment of Intergovernmental Relation between the City of Diredawa and its Surrounding Local Administrations
(AAU, 2017-05) Cheru, Girma; Wakjira, Ketema
Studies on comparative federalism show that the increasing significance of IGR as the institutional and practical device to fit to contextual realities of the federal systems. When Cities expand, in need of more land for several purposes, they usually depend on their neighboring localities. Jurisdictional boundary disputes potentially occurred as cities appropriate a large portion of the neighboring territory as economic and functional hinterlands. The situation is even the worst in the cities like Dire Dawa which have other deriving factors like ethnic and socio-cultural diversities. The main objective of this study is to examine the nature of the existing IGR between Dire Dawa and its surrounding localities and its implication on the management of land specifically it identifies contextual factors shaping the relation between Dire Dawa and surrounding local administrations. It analyzes the impact of IGR between the City of Dire Dawa and surrounding local administration up on land management. The study uses a case study research design. It gathered data both from secondary and primary sources. For seeking primary data sources, it utilizes semi-structured interview, FGD, personal observation, and document review. The finding of the thesis shows that IGR played important role in handling land and boundary dispute between the City of Dire Dawa and Shinile Zone. The nature and form of IGR however, is not only informal but also weak and unsustainable. Hence, it is the contention of this thesis that the IGR between the City and surrounding locality needs robust guideline and sustainable institutional framework in order to handle mutual concerns.
The State of Vertical Division of Political Power in the Ethiopian Federation
(Addis Ababa, 2017-04) Haftetsion, Fiseha; Fiseha, Assefa (PhD)
Vertical division of power is the essence offederalism. In this qualitative dissertation, the author investigates the state of vertical division of political power in the Ethiopian Federation. This work was guided by the assumptions and principles of the Critical Paradigm. Sources of primary data were mainly interviews and documents. The main research question addressed by this work is "whether vertical division of political power in the Ethiopian Federation is s!ifjering from constitutionally unwarranted centripetal and centrijilgal tendencies and moves or not". To concretely investigate the state of vertical division of political power in the Ethiopian Federation, key areas of vertical division of power are selected and examined in both theO/y and practice. The specific themes examined include Selt:determination, Federal Intervention, Police Power Division, Land Administration, Mobility and Related Rights, and Language Policy. Moreover, aspects of the Ethiopian federal arrangement that have an impact on the state of vertical division of political power including the prevailing nomenclature of the Federation and the electoral system are investigated. The laws governing almost all the themes of vertical division o.l political power discussed in this work have serious gaps. However, the practical challenges witnessed in the areas of language policy and land administration are caused only to a limited ex/ent by an absence of clarity of division of mandates between the Federal Government and the state governments. On language policy issues, the constitutional stanceitself is part of the problem. On land administration, the lack of adherence to the division of power, as provided in the Constitution, is an integral element of the challenges witnessed in the area. Overall, whereas constitutionally unwarranted centripetal tendencies prevail over Federal Intervention, Police Power Division, Land Administration, and Language Policy, centrilugal tendencies prevail in the areas of Self-determination and Mobility and Related Rights. In this work, it is shown that centripetal and centrijilgal tendencies and moves result in violations of individual and group rights besides challenging the stability of the Federation.
Fiscal Federalism in Ethiopia the Quest for Equitable Development
(Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 2021) Barud, Debebe; Geberegiziabeher, Tegegne
One of the reform agenda of the EPRDF, following its control of state power in 1991, was the introduction of fiscal federalism. The goal of the agenda was to bring about equitable development and durable peace to Ethiopia, a home to diverse nations and nationalities. After two and half decades, though there are developmental progresses beyond controversies, there are widely held concerns about the equity of the development across regions. This thesis investigates the impact of fiscal federalism—devolution of assignment of responsibilities, taxation powers, and the intergovernmental transfer system—on equitable development in Ethiopia by taking four pro-poor sectors including eduation, health, water and road. To this end, both qualitative and statistical/ econometrics techniques were employed and both primary and secondary data were used. The finding indicates that there is a connection between fiscal arrangement and equitable development in Ethiopia. This can be explained by the analysis made on the selected sectors. Despite a growing trend in all aspects of socioeconomic development as exemplified in the four selected sectoral development (education, health, water and road) for the last ten years, it is important to realize that the progresses in each of the four sectoral developments are not equitable and regions show significant variation in their emphasis on their achievements and their development outcomes. For instance, despite the achievements observed at the primary level, the analysis shows that the ESDP has been less successful at improving equity and filling the gap of the access at secondary level. Moreover, despite substantial increases in the enrolment of children in secondary schools, absolute enrolment levels are still very low and wealth, geographic and gender disparities remain considerable. The expenditure in the health, water and road sector increased in terms of both absolute amount and per capita basis. Consequently, output and outcome of their services have also increased substantially. However, equity and inclusiveness among regions are still not addressed and needs concerted action to reduce the inter-regional health, water and road access gap without compromising efficiency to fulfill each individual’s right of equal access to government provided services stipulated in the Ethiopian Constitution. Furthermore, regarding tax policy in Ethiopia, it was supposed to ensure balanced regional development. The Federal Constitution aims at creating strong states vested with extensive decision-making powers. Notably, the finding shows that there has been a steady increase in both direct and indirect tax collection. However, the finding shows that the federal government still centralizes the fiscal means of executing fiscal responsibilities which indicates that there is a de facto centralization of fiscal decision-making. This is reflected by excessive dependence of regional governments on federal grants to finance even recurrent expenditures within their jurisdictions. The fiscal system is characterized by both vertical and horizontal imbalances that require further decentralization of revenue sources that commensurate the expenditure responsibilities of the regional governments. The vertical fiscal imbalance in Ethiopia is thus explained more by monopolization of the Central Government over the most lucrative tax bases and partly by high expenditure requirement of regional governments. The study also found that the true practice of fiscal federalism in Ethiopia has been inhibited by several factors which include, the dominance of the federal government in the sharing of national financial resources, the imposition of the party structure of the EPRDF on fiscal federalism, the pattern of assignment of responsibilities by the constitution among federating units, and over-reliance of regional governments on the revenue from the Federal government grant. The analysis further shows that the federal grant that is expected to be as a glue to hold federal and regional states together is not able to narrow the vertical and horizontal fiscal imbalance of the country and that xxvii suggests, fiscal federalism in Ethiopia failed to keep its constitutional promises. Therefore, based on the above findings this study concludes that fiscal federalism in Ethiopia is not promoting equitable development even if it has made contribution to the overall development. Finally, central to the success of fiscal decentralization, is clarity in the assignments of revenue and expenditure responsibilities. The urgent reform that is required is the need for government to redress the prevailing vertical and horizontal fiscal mismatches through appropriate policies of increasing tax revenues to regional states as well as reforms of expenditure responsibilities to enhance their efficiency and capacity in the provision of public services.
Federalism and Students’ Conflict Management in Ethiopian Higher Educational Institutions: The Case of Arba Minch University
(Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 2021) Tilahun, Amanu; Wakjira, Ketema (PhD)
Since recent years, conflict, particularly latent conflict is frequently emerged everywhere and at any time, especially in Ethiopian higher educational institutions but the ability to manage them is different from institution to institution. Thus, the main objective of the study is to examine the capacity of federalism to manage conflicts between or among students in Arba Minch university. To accomplish the above objective, mixed research approach, both primary and secondary sources of data as well as cluster and purposive sampling techniques were employed to provide well integrated and clarified data analysis. By doing so, the finding of the study has revealed that although there existed amicable social interaction among students of Arba Minch university, some latent conflicts such as interpersonal, interethnic and interreligious conflicts were rarely raised between or among students of the institution. Some of the main causes for the emergence of those conflicts in the university were ethnic identity and religious differences, absence of strong supervision upon the drive back students and those who have political mission, political instability of the country due to the manipulation of ethnic federalism, interregional state conflicts and students’ conflict in other universities. In this regard, students themselves, instructors and administrative staffs as well as the local community were the main actors of those conflicts. In addition, compromising and accommodation methods of conflict management altogether with ADR mechanisms were employed by the institution to manage students’ conflicts. Here, federalism, the local community and religious leaders have played prominent roles in managing students’ conflicts on the behalf of informal mechanisms. Furthermore, the university’s cooperative work culture with the local community and religious leaders; its alertness to solve various problems of students; and passionate and peace-loving culture of the local community are some good practices of Arba Minch university that other universities are expected to learn from it in relation to students’ conflict management in a peaceful manner. Yet, the study has verified that the institution should work a lot on preventing students’ conflicts proactively, and on the establishment of all-inclusive club/committee which conduct further studies upon the causes of students’ conflicts and various alternative solutions in order to manage students’ conflicts effectively than ever before.
Relationship between Federal Police and State Police Commisions under Ethiopian Federalism: Policy and Practice
(Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 2015) Kassa, Tesfay; Taddele, Mehari
The paper examines the relationship between Federal Police and State Police Commissions from the perspective of the federal system, analyses the legislative and assesses the practices so far. The study revealed that the relations between the Federal Police and state police commissions are not constitutionally guided and managed. With regard to the institutional and formal set-up of the Joint Council is established with a mandate to strengthening relation between Federal and state Police Commissions. The paper argues that Joint Council has performed different tasks in areas of crime prevention, investigation and other capacity buildings. From the research, it is clear that despite such tasks performed by the council, several concerns are raised. Most of these concerns contravene the principle of federalism. Furthermore, it has an implication of centralization of police or it implies that the Federal Police Commission is superior of all state police commissions which are incompatible with the very principle of federalism.
The Status of New Minorities in Federal Ethiopia: The Case of Benishangul-gumuz Regional State
(Addis Ababa, 2017-11) Teferi, Shibabaw; Bayissa, Regassa (PhD)
The right of minority protection particularly national minorities is guaranteed in both international convention and domestic laws (FDRE Constitution). However, the right of new minorities whether foreigners or internal migrants were/are not yet guaranteed in two consensuses. The main objective of this study is to Analyze, examine, assess, and address the concerns and interests of the new minorities in Ethiopian federation. In fact, the ethnic federalization of territorial arrangements in Ethiopia was erected without taking into account of internal migrants who are territorially dispersed ethnic groups in each region. Currently, they lie to new minority status throughout the country. This research investigated the status of new minorities in areas of recognition, equality and non-discrimination, internal self-determination and self-government, participation and representation rights in federal Ethiopia with particular case study of Benishangul-Gumuz Regional State. For this critical looking down to the existing problems in the study area, in order to interconnect, organize and recommend, the researcher used the qualitative research approach. In accordance with this, the researcher used both primary and secondary sources of data collection. As the result, the finding shows, the status of new or internal regional minorities were remained to less exercising group rights and lessparticipants in the key political position due to lacked consideration and commitments of political bodies, electoral formula, ethno-terrilorial and legal institutional arrangements in study area. So that, this research highly recommended that, both federal and regional government needs to have structural changes. In sense that, the ethno territorial arrangements among the nine federation is dangerous particularly for the new emerged minorities like in BGRS in the areas of sharing and exercising fundamental human and democratic rights. So that, in order to accommodate them better to have establish non-territorial arrangement or personal autonomy in the region. The new minorities need fair and equity representation in BG regional institutional polity. Therefore, to address their interests, the regional government needs to have erect proportional representation and upper house. The last but not the least, the new minorities in BG needs special treatment and protection through independent bodies. So that, both federal and regional government shall be establish special new minority's protection commission bodies in the two levels.
Distribution of Powers and Responsibilities in a Federal System of Somalia, Prospect and Options.
(Addis Ababa, 2020-01) Mohamud, Shafii; Ayitnew, Zemelak ( Associate Professor)
Somalia, tried out many systems of governance since independence, the British model of a parliamentary system, democratic republic of Somalia, authoritarian regime system, Sciel1lijic Socialist and Jinally, the countly has moved toward a Jederal system. Federalism become emerg ing as viaMe political system to bring a semblance of reconciliation, inclusive governance, power sharing and peace in Somalia. Since the adoption o/provisioned constitution in Somalia 2012 built on three primary objectives:(l) to unite the republic: (2) to lend legit imacy to Jilture political leadership and (3) to introduce good governance that are representative, responsive and accountable to the people. But, simply provides a space of the fede ral system and many of the elements are yet to be jilled including the division of powers and func tions between federal member state andfederal government, division of taxes. There are di//erent proposals regarding how best to divide powers between federal and fede ral member states in Somalia. The lederal government has its own proposal and FMS have also their own view on the malleI'. The main purpose of the study is 10 evaluate the proposals of both the fede ral government and no/Is to redesign in light of established fede ral principles, the appropriateness divisions of powers and the experience of other federations. The design and research approach are exclusively based on extensive review of relevant literature. It will also make comparative analysis based on the key jindings of case studies of jive cuuntries and the alii look of the relationship between Somalia and other federal .Iystem countries. The three guiding questions guided in both the case studies and discussion of the Jindings and in draw ing conclusions and recommendations. to examine how competences are divided in federal systems with a view to gathering lesson regarding how best to div ide in fedeml systems, and what factors are considered when dividing power based on theexperiences oJjederal coul1lries, \"hat competences are exerc ised by federa tion and what are left fo r states and which competences should go to federal. Recommendation will be Illy own proposal based on analysis of how best is the power divide and alternative option Jar improving the competing proposals between FG and FMS, within consider this context of the Somali political culture, histDly and social cleavages.
Federalism and Economic Empowerment: The Case of Indigenous People in Gambella Regional State
(Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 2018) Tutpal, Simon; Mesfin, Seyoum(phD)
This study has investigated factors affecting economic empowerment of indigenous people in Gambella regional state with the case study of three zones (Nuer, Anyua, and Majang Zone). The study was conducted through descriptive analysis survey design by using both quantitative and qualitative research methods. Both primary and secondary data have been utilized. The technique of taking sample from the given population is purposive sampling drawing a sample of 180 people from the population of 307,096people. Data was analyzed using statistical figure such as tables, graphs, pie charts, and percentages, is employed. Finding revealed that economic empowerment of the local people is negatively affected by the factors of cultural of dependency in both urban and rural community and weak policies formulated implementation of the regional government. Study regarding Organizational Availability shows that Organizational Availability is not yet established in Gambella except micro and small enterprises. In general statements, Indigenous people are from respondents confirmed that economically poor with the reasons which are associated to the factors such as cultural influence, financial limitation, lack of awareness creation by the regional government, and some more explanatory variables which are shown in the above analysis. Moreover, weak policies formulation and their implementation, issue such as economic prioritization, and absent of micro enterprises agencies effective role in the region have been identified as the undermining factors in lessening the empowerment of the local people significantly. The study recommended that Regional Government need to create favorable environment that promotes innovation and entrepreneurial development, and formulation of correct poliCies which could solve public problems inclusively.
The Impact of Fiscal Decentralization on Urban Public Service Delivery in Oromia: Comparative Study on Chiro and Sebeta Towns
(Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 2014) Kebede, Samuel; Tesfai, Ghebrehiwet
The main objective of the study is to investigate the capability of Chiro and Sebeta urban administrations to provide their re~pective residents with preference based services, to identifY the possible problems constraining their efforts with this regard and to propose appropriate solutions to the problems. The study employed more of qualitative method. Accordingly, the fiscal powers andfill1ct ions as well as the fiscal autonomy of the ULGs in ORS in general and that of the study areas in particular are looked into thoroughly. The investigation started with the scrutiny made on legal frameworks in place for local governments including ULGs both at the federal and regional level. Primary and secondary data are collected and analyzed accordingly. Structured and unstructured interviews are carried out with pertinent officials and experts Fom the municipalities and sector offices of the study areas as well as Fom the federal and regional government offices. Group discussions of stakeholders and field observations that focused on selected services are also part of the study process. The introduction of legal Fame works that weakened the autonomy of the urban administrations, inappropriate interferences Fom the regional government, the mismatch between the taxation powers and expenditure responsibilities of the urban administrations and lack of capacity to administer taxes and to carry out expenditure responsibilities are among the findings of the study. As a result, it is concluded that the urban administrations under consideration are not in a position to render appropriate level and mix of local public goods and services. In light of the findings, it is recommended that there is a need to enhance the autonomy of the urban administrations in a manner it tackles the multi faceted inte!ference fi-om the regional government. Boosting the taxation power of the ULGs and allowing them to access additional financial sources so as to help them match their .financial capacity with their expenditure responsibilities is found to be equally important. Redesigning the grant transfer arrangement in a manner it takes the economic disparities along jurisdictions into consideration is also part of the recommendation.

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