Federalism
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Item Challenges and Mechanisms For the Implementation of Language Right Under Ethiopian Federalism: the Case of Guraghe Zone, Snnpr(Addis Ababa University, 2017-02) Yidnekachew Tadele; Ketema WakijraLanguage is an indispensable attribute of human race not only because it is a medium of Communication but also it is a source of pride, self-esteem and identity in the sense that it is a Defining characteristic of human society it plays valuable role for hannonic coexistence societies.Item Woreda Level Decentralization andassesment of Health Service Delivery: the Case of Midakegni Woreda, Oromia National Regional State(Addis Ababa University, 2018-02) Feyissa Gedissa; Ghebrehiwet Tesfai (PhD)Decentralized service delivery refers to the mode in which service delivery is done through delegation and devolution of power from center to local governments where by efficiency and effectiveness are likely to be achieved. The general purpose of this study is to assess the impact of Woreda Level Decentralization on health service provisions quality and quantity and to examine the impact of the decentralized legal, political, administrative, financial and stakeholder participation on health service delivery in Mida Kegn Mida Kegn Woreda, West Shoa Zone of the Oromia National Regional State. To explore the impact of Woreda Level Decentralization on health services delivery mixed research approach was employed. Data were collected from Regional Health Bureau, Zonal Health office, Woreda Health Offices, Health centers, Health center Directors, health experts , kebele managers and beneficiaries through questionnaire, interviews and document analysis. The study found that local communities have participated in health services delivery mainly in identifying local problems, planning, management, monitoring, control and evaluation of their also found that there has been weak and incoherent vertical or horizontal coordination between the health institutions. In order to manage and sustain decentralization for effective delivery of health services, strong capacities in resources (human, finance and institutions) and active participation are mandatory.Item Party System and Pluralistic Federalism in Ethiopia(Addis Ababa University, 2024) Yohannes Haile; Zemelak Ayele (Associate Professor)The study delves into the intricate relationship between party system and Ethiopia's federal constitutional system. Employing an interpretative case study design, the research leverages theoretical and empirical frameworks to provide a nuanced analysis of the Ethiopian case within its unique contextual setting. Notably, the aim is not to generate or test generalizable propositions, but rather to offer an in-depth understanding of this case. The study framework encompasses the historical experiences of pluralistic federations, acknowledging the diverse outcomes that range from success to failure. Since World War II, the number of federations has grown significantly, reaching approximately 44 by the early 1990s. However, this period also witnessed the dissolution of 27 of these federations, all of which shared characteristics of multiethnicity or pluri-nationality and a lack of robust democratic systems. Concurrently, other states acceded to the remaining 17 federations, including Ethiopia. While the recent recognition of federalism's inherent link to democratic principles is a positive development, the historical failures of undemocratic federations offer a stark reminder: federalism requires a democratic foundation for its effective functioning. This attests to the proposition that the Ethiopian ethnic federal formula could not flourish without multiparty democracy. Since the inauguration of the ethnic federal system in 1995, six national elections have been conducted in which the practice of multiparty system has come under question. Therefore, the main purpose of the study is to investigate the practice of multiparty democracy, with a competitive multiparty system and democratic elections at its centre, in light of the ethnic federal constitutional order. It finds that the lack of multiparty politics, mainly multiparty-multilevel representation, has blocked the legitimacy and effectiveness of the federal constitutional in three ways (with which the chapters of the study and its research question are structured). The first is the overwhelming dominance of the drafting, the public discussion, and the ratification of the Federal Constitution by the EPRDF has precipitated the legitimacy gap of at least the federal system in procedural (the deficit of multiparty deliberative constitution-making and constitutional imposition) as well as substantive aspects (a politicised constitution from the Marxist-Leninist-inspired revolutionary-democratic articulations of the EPRDF). The second is that the structures of the federal system and their operations have been dependent on the political interests of the non-competitive and centralised dominant party, the EPRDF, at the expense of the democratic representativeness of the federal institutions of self-rule and-rule. Lastly, the system of constitutional review and amendment has been ossified and devoid of meaningful dynamism under the de facto one-party rule. In sum, the study underlines the federal malfunction of the one dominant-party system in Ethiopia. It has implications for the recent political developments in terms of juxtaposing the politics, structure, and functioning of the Prosperity Party (PP) with the objectives, principles, and development of the ethnic federal constitutional map. The way incumbents interact, which involves the debate on the broad-based integrative advantage of multiethnic congressional hegemonic parties in containing ethnic rivalry and fragmentation, with the federal system has far-reaching impacts on the stability of the Ethiopian polity that has seen spates of ethnic-based tensions and violence. How the tottering democracy performance of the country improves towards multiparty opening in such a way that sets easily with the contentious ethnic politics is a notable topic for further research.Item Women’s Political Participation and Representation at Local Level in the Ethiopian Federation: The Case of Ankesha Woreda, Awi Zone, Amhara National Regional State(Addis Ababa University, 2020-06) AsresZeleke Kassa; Mohammed Dejen (PhD)Women’s political participation and representation at local levels playan importantrole in the general processes of theoverall improvements of women’s life and the socio-economic and political developments of a country. The general objective of this study is to assess the political participation and representation of women at local levels and identify factors affecting their participation by taking Ankesha Woreda as a case study. Both qualitative and quantitative research approach were followed. The researcher has collected both primary data from both women and men citizens as well as government officials in Ankesha Woreda. Despite the fact that Ethiopian women are granted constitutional rights to take part in any affairs affecting their life, they do not exercise equal rights to participate in the country’s politics due to economic, socio cultural and traditional factors.The study identified that the political participation and representation of women in Ankesha Woreda is low when compared to men except for their equal participation in Woreda council. The study found that women are underrepresented in local government structures, like, in kebele councils and cabinets and Woreda cabinets due to deep rooted and a longstanding traditional belief. Thus, the government should confirm equal rights of women based on their competency, experience and educational background at different levels of government council particularly, at local levelItem Federalism and the Impacts of Addis Ababa City Expansion on Farming communities: the case of Eekkaa Oromo, Yeka Abado(Addis Ababa University, 2020-06) Nanati Gezmu; Ketema Wakjira (PhD)This thesis aims to examine the impact of Addis Ababa city expansion on the surrounding farming community, with particular reference to the Ekkaa Oromo in the “Yeka Abado” area, and thereby evaluate the mechanisms of handling these impacts in a federal setting of Ethiopia. In doing so, the study has used mixed research approach. For gathering primary data, the study employed, different instruments of data collection, including questionnaires, in-depth interviews and focused group discussions (FGD) with members of purposely selected Eekkaa Oromo farmers’ community at Yeka Abado. The study also used document analysis, from housing policy, constitution of FDRE, regulations, and procedures pertinent to the research under discussion as secondary data sources. The study found out that Yeka Abado condominium project is one of the causes for displacing Eekka Oromo communities from their farm lands without providing the chance of getting the condominium houses. Besides, the informal settlement is another cause for rapid urban expansion in the city and loss of the farm land for the farmers. The study found out that Eekkaa Oromo farmers at Yeka Abado are victims of negative impacts of the urbanization process taking place in their locality. They have already lost their original way of life particularly agricultural practices and these farmers are dispersed from their original habitat. Consequently, the urbanization process, measured in terms of the impact of Yeka Abado condominium housing project, has negatively impacted nearly all aspects of the farming communities’ life ranging from socio-cultural, economic to politics. This study, therefore, argues that impact of urban expansion and urbanization on the Eekkaa Oromo community contradicts with the constitutional, cultural, economic, territorial and political rights set by federalism of Ethiopia.Item Federalism and Urban Governance: An Explorative Study of Intergovernmental Relations in Cities of Adama and Assosa, Ethiopia(Addis Ababa University, 2017-05) Ketema Wakjira; Assefa Fiseha (Assocat Professor)FedeIn the contexts of federal/multilevel arrangements and the urbanization processes, the effectiveness of urban governance involves intergovernmental coordination and cooperation. This thesis aims to explore the institutions and practices of IGR in urban governance under the federal system of Ethiopia. Through a comparative analysis of the case cities of Adama and Assosa, it analyses how the contextual factors in which the cities are embedded determine the design of urban institutions, local capacity and their relationship with the regional and neighboring local governments. The thesis also examines how the processes and practices of IGR operate in urban service provisions in the two cities under consideration. The study has used Intergovernmental Relation (IGR) framework as an institutional and practical exploration of urban governance issues in a federal setting. A multilevel research approach and a case study design are employed to analyze the municipal governance architecture, city’s vertical and lateral relationships, and IGR in urban service deliveries. The study has found out that the problem of urban governance is due to a mismatch between the local institutional capacities and functional responsibilities, and the existing institutions and practices of IGR did not empower the cities to bring effective urban service deliveries. The regional states have put the principles including the local autonomy, city’s accountability to the region and the need for cooperation, mutual respect, support and partnership as the basis for relations between the cities and regional states. The analysis, however, shows that the role of IGRs in urban service delivery is hampered due to competing urban visions, unsettled design of urban institutions, blurred regulatory powers over urban space and use of IGR instruments for political expediencies. This study, therefore, contends that the settled institutional status of cities, adequate local capacity, and strong and empowering institutions of IGRs could help for resolving the challenges of urban governance in Ethiopia.ralism, Intergovernmental Relations, Urban Governance, Ethiopian Urban ManagementItem Accommodating exogenous communities at local level: the case of Gura-ferda woreda of SNNPRS and Pawe woredas of BGNRS(Addis ababa university, 2017-05) Melese Chekol; Zemelak Ayitenew (PhD)Ethiopia has adopted what is often referred to as ethnic federalism which aims to accommodate the ethnic diversity of the Ethiopian people principally, if not exclusively, through territorial mechanisms. It establishes nine ethnically demarcated regional states and provides the establishment of sub-regional territorial and political units for intra-regional ethnic minorities based on the same federal principle. Implied, or assumed to have been implied, in this federal arrangement is a notion of endogeneity in a sense only that only those ethnic communities that are viewed as endogenous to a specific territorial area are considered to be entitled for self-government either at regional or sub-regional level. This leaves out the millions who are considered to be exogenous without clear constitutional protection. A qualitative approach with purposive sampling techniques was employed during data collection. Interview, Focus group discussion and field observation was employed in this thesis. Among exogenous communities (not necessarily ethnic communities) in such constitutional quandary are those who moves to the areas now make parts such regions as Benishangul-Gumuz and SNNP as part of the villagization and resettlement of programs of the imperial and Derg eras. These communities are mostly found in clearly demarcated territorial areas which are equal or larger than a woreda in terms of territorial and population size. And, despite being of different ethnic background, the settlers have over the years developed a sense a community. Yet, they seem to have no constitutional protection and under the mercy of the endogenous communities of each region. Regardless of the position of the Constitution regarding such communities, this thesis undertook to investigate whether and how such communities are in practice accommodated in the regions they are found. To this effect it selected the Pawe woreda of Benishangul-Gumuz and Gura-Ferda woreda of SNNP. The so called exogenous communities are found in the majority in both of these woredas. However, they are treated differently. In Pawe woreda, where members of the exogenous community constitute over 99 percent of the population, they are allowed to have full control over the political and administrative institutions of the woreda. They are represented in the regional government and, compared to members of the exogenous communities living in other parts of Benishangul-Gumuz region, are least harassed by members of the endogenous communities. The situation is starkly different in Gura-Ferda. There, despite them being in majority, members of exogenous communities are excluded from the political institutions of the woredas. And they suffer from actual or threat of eviction.Item Governance and Service Delivery in Gambella City Administration(Addis Ababa University, 2017-05) Nardos Hawaz; Zemelak Ayietenew (PhD)Gambella city is the capital of the Gambella regional states. Despite its status as the capital of the region, it has an abysmal record in terms of providing basic services. The water supply network of the Gambella city, let alone of the region, is in an extremely bad shape. Only 50 percent of the population of the city has access to clean drinking water. The current supply system is designed for population of 40,000 to serve for 20 years. It however serves more than 67,000 residents of the city. The total length of distribution pipe work is estimably to be 37 kilometers. Based on this system only about 2,240 customers who receive portable water. With respect to the provision of health services, there are two health stations in the city. However only one of the health stations actually provides services all residents of the city. Education is the only sector which is correspondingly provided in 5 kebeles of the city among the state service as each kebeles has the same number of primary school except 01 and 02 Kebeles. The municipal services are not also in better shape. For the purpose of analysis in qualitative approach, public service problems are conducted from official non official documents. In order to ensure the analysis interview had been conducted. This study hence seeks to investigate whether the malfunction of the city is linked to the institutional (constitutional, policy and legislative) design of the city government system.Item The Role of Women in decision-making process in Federal Ethiopia: the Case Study of the House of Peoples’ Representatives(Addis Ababa University, 2017-08) Mignot Mesfin; Abebe TeklehaimanotThroughout the history of Ethiopia the political participation of women is very low especially in the decision making process however woman’s participation in Federal Democratic Republic Ethiopia show promising progress in the HoPR. The percentage of woman parliamentarians shows steady increment in every election period. However the decision making abilities of women is relatively low as compared to men. In this thesis the decision process of in which women participate is studied.Item Protection of the rights of children living with imprisoned mothers at the Ethiopian federal prisons(Addis Ababa University, 2018-06) Kahsay Zerabruck; Yonas Birmeta (PhD)This study is an investigation of the welfare of children who live in prison with their incarcerated mothers as well as expectant mothers in selected prisons of Ethiopia. Article 36 of the FDRE Constitution provides the best interest of the child to be the primary consideration in all actions concerning children undertaken by public and private welfare institutions, courts of law, administrative authorities or legislative bodies. This constitutional protection underscores the need for concern and special attention for the best interest of the child in the criminal justice system, in the federal prison administration, and also before other executive organs. There are also pertinent provisions reflected in the four general principles of CRC, and also in the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child such as the right not to be discriminated against based on the status of their parents (Article 3), the best interests of the child as the primary consideration in actions affecting children (Article 4(1)), the opportunity to be heard in any judicial and administrative proceedings affecting them (Article 4(2)) and the right to survival and development (Article 5). Hence, taking all these into consideration, the study examines gaps in the policy and legal framework in Ethiopia on the protection of the rights of infants and youths in prison with their incarcerated mother. It also looks at the social, physical and economic conditions of these children in the federal prisons along with the enforcement of laws pertaining to their well-being. The study has employed mainly qualitative research methods, and it has reviewed international laws as well as national laws in the course of exploring the subject matter. Identifying gaps in the full implementation of the child rights, the study eventually forwarded recommendations to improve their conditions.Item Environmental Federalism and the Role of Local Government In Controlling Industrial Pollution: the Case of Sebeta City Administration, Oromia National Regional State(Addis Ababa University,, 2018-07) Jalelli Hailu; Ghebrehiwet Tesfai (PhD)Despite various environmental problems in our country, this study focused on the industrial pollution of HAFDE tannery and Balezaf Alcohol located in Sebeta city administration. The city is characterised by large number of manufacturing industries. The communities in the city are living side by side with more of these industries. This lack of appropriate industrial zone, inefficient waste desposal method and lack of effective implementation of EIA law in regulatory body are causing various health problems on the communities as they are highly exposed to industrial pollution. Local government is the closest regulatory body in controlling industrial pollution. The objective of this paper is to analyze the perceived and actual health problems of industrial pollution, waste management practice of the two industries, the legal framework for intervention mechanisms and the role of local government in controlling industrial pollution, The study employed case study design and used both qualitative and quantitative methods of data collection. In order to achieve the objective of the study, literatures were reviewed, and questionnaire, key informant interview and Observation were used as main research instruments. The result has indicated that the industries are not properly managing their wastes and dispose them to nearby environment without any treatment. As a result the different types of wastes from the two industries in the area are affecting the health of the communities. Cough, sinus, bronchitis, asthma, skin and eye problems are the commonly experienced problems by the communities of the area of the two industries. Most of the residents are perceived that these health problems are attributed to industrial pollution. The result has also indicated that, the local government bodies have not been taken satisfactory measures to solve the problem due to internal and external problems. Thus, giving awareness to factory owners about the critical problem of industrial pollution, encouraging the industries to treat their wastes and use best available technologies, regular monitoring and inspection of industries, improving the institutional capacity of environmental protection organs and strengthening the coordination between relevant institutions are recommended to solve the problem.Item Governance and Service Delivery in Gambella City Administration(Addis Ababa Unversity, 2017-06) Nardos Hawaz; Zemelak Ayietenew (PhD)Gambella city is the capital of the Gambella regional states. Despite its status as the capital of the region, it has an abysmal record in terms of providing basic services. The water supply network of the Gambella city, let alone of the region, is in an extremely bad shape. Only 50 percent of the population of the city has access to clean drinking water. The current supply system is designed for population of 40,000 to serve for 20 years. It however serves more than 67,000 residents of the city. The total length of distribution pipe work is estimably to be 37 kilometers. Based on this system only about 2,240 customers who receive portable water. With respect to the provision of health services, there are two health stations in the city. However only one of the health stations actually provides services all residents of the city. Education is the only sector which is correspondingly provided in 5 kebeles of the city among the state service as each kebeles has the same number of primary school except 01 and 02 Kebeles. The municipal services are not also in better shape. For the purpose of analysis in qualitative approach, public service problems are conducted from official non official documents. In order to ensure the analysis interview had been conducted. This study hence seeks to investigate whether the malfunction of the city is linked to the institutional (constitutional, policy and legislative) design of the city government system.Item Fiscal Federalism in Ethiopia The Quest for Equitable Development(Addis Ababa university, 2021-03) Debebe Barud; Tegegne G/Egiziabher(Profassor)One of the reform agenda of the EPRDF, following its control of state power in 1991, was the introduction of fiscal federalism. The goal of the agenda was to bring about equitable development and durable peace to Ethiopia, a home to diverse nations and nationalities. After two and half decades, though there are developmental progresses beyond controversies, there are widely held concerns about the equity of the development across regions. This thesis investigates the impact of fiscal federalism—devolution of assignment of responsibilities, taxation powers, and the intergovernmental transfer system—on equitable development in Ethiopia by taking four pro-poor sectors including eduation, health, water and road. To this end, both qualitative and statistical/ econometrics techniques were employed and both primary and secondary data were used. The finding indicates that there is a connection between fiscal arrangement and equitable development in Ethiopia. This can be explained by the analysis made on the selected sectors. Despite a growing trend in all aspects of socioeconomic development as exemplified in the four selected sectoral development (education, health, water and road) for the last ten years, it is important to realize that the progresses in each of the four sectoral developments are not equitable and regions show significant variation in their emphasis on their achievements and their development outcomes. For instance, despite the achievements observed at the primary level, the analysis shows that the ESDP has been less successful at improving equity and filling the gap of the access at secondary level. Moreover, despite substantial increases in the enrolment of children in secondary schools, absolute enrolment levels are still very low and wealth, geographic and gender disparities remain considerable. The expenditure in the health, water and road sector increased in terms of both absolute amount and per capita basis. Consequently, output and outcome of their services have also increased substantially. However, equity and inclusiveness among regions are still not addressed and needs concerted action to reduce the inter-regional health, water and road access gap without compromising efficiency to fulfill each individual’s right of equal access to government provided services stipulated in the Ethiopian Constitution. Furthermore, regarding tax policy in Ethiopia, it was supposed to ensure balanced regional development. The Federal Constitution aims at creating strong states vested with extensive decision-making powers. Notably, the finding shows that there has been a steady increase in both direct and indirect tax collection. However, the finding shows that the federal government still centralizes the fiscal means of executing fiscal responsibilities which indicates that there is a de facto centralization of fiscal decision-making. This is reflected by excessive dependence of regional governments on federal grants to finance even recurrent expenditures within their jurisdictions. The fiscal system is characterized by both vertical and horizontal imbalances that require further decentralization of revenue sources that commensurate the expenditure responsibilities of the regional governments. The vertical fiscal imbalance in Ethiopia is thus explained more by monopolization of the Central Government over the most lucrative tax bases and partly by high expenditure requirement of regional governments. The study also found that the true practice of fiscal federalism in Ethiopia has been inhibited by several factors which include, the dominance of the federal government in the sharing of national financial resources, the imposition of the party structure of the EPRDF on fiscal federalism, the pattern of assignment of responsibilities by the constitution among federating units, and over-reliance of regional governments on the revenue from the Federal government grant. The analysis further shows that the federal grant that is expected to be as a glue to hold federal and regional states together is not able to narrow the vertical and horizontal fiscal imbalance of the country and that suggests, fiscal federalism in Ethiopia failed to keep its constitutional promises. Therefore, based on the above findings this study concludes that fiscal federalism in Ethiopia is not promoting equitable development even if it has made contribution to the overall development. Finally, central to the success of fiscal decentralization, is clarity in the assignments of revenue and expenditure responsibilities. The urgent reform that is required is the need for government to redress the prevailing vertical and horizontal fiscal mismatches through appropriate policies of increasing tax revenues to regional states as well as reforms of expenditure responsibilities to enhance their efficiency and capacity in the provision of public services.Item Traditional Conflict Management and Resolution Mechanisms: the Case of Sheko People in Ethiopia(Addis Ababa University, 2018-10) Mengistu Fiseha; Dereje Feyisa (Associate Professor)The general objective of the study has been to identify, describe and understand the traditional conflict management and resolution mechanisms of the Sheko people. To this end, the study has employed a qualitative research approach and the lived experience of the Sheko people in their traditional way of conflict management and resolution in-depth described. Data were collected using focus group discussion, interviews, and non-participatory observation and moreover relevant literatures and governmental documents are reviewed. It is found that, the Sheko people have developed traditional conflict management and resolution institutions such as Koynab, Burjab, Kalicha and Bertussa and a complex ritual also underpins these conflict management and resolution mechanisms, which cement the reconciliation to be long lasting. Different types of conflicts instigated as a result of theft, abduction, homicide, inter-clan conflict, boundary conflict and family quarrels are managed and resolved having their own mechanisms and rituals. The decision enforcement mechanisms in the form of social sanctions and the compensation mechanisms for the victims vary based on the type of conflict. The relation between the government centered conflict management and resolution mechanisms and the Sheko traditional conflict management and resolution mechanisms are identified and described. There is an opportunity for forum shopping and their alliance is need based. The accumulated wisdom of the community serving the community and creating essay accesses to justice in serving the public are identified as the strength of the traditional conflict management and resolution mechanisms. On the other hand, the traditional conflict management and resolution mechanisms are not gender sensitive and hence the roles of women are minimal and moreover, the system is irresponsive to the challenges of modernity.Item Decentralisation for Nation -Building and Managing Ethnic Diversity in South Sudan(AAU, 2023-06) David Ruach; Assefa Fiseha(PhD)The definition of what holds a nation together varies not only from country to country but also over time within a nation. Bringing people from diverse cultures, languages, and traditions together is a founding principle in many multiethnic societies. Throughout history, leaders have introduced policies such as federalism, devolution or decentralization to foster common values that would help various ethnic communities in a polity identify with the state. Hence, one of the objectives of governance in a multiethnic society is to manage diversity and resolve conflicts through the building of inclusive state institutions that can equally serve different ethnic communities without exclusion. This thesis argues that with inclusive and participatory state institutions in place, citizens remain connected to the state as inclusive political institutions enhance the sense of belonging to the system. The objective of this study, therefore, is to investigate why the decentralised system of governance as adopted in the Transitional Constitution of South Sudan failed to address the question of nation-building and manage ethnic diversity. Building inclusive state institutions with which South Sudan's various ethnic communities can identify with, is seen as central to the argument in the study. The study considered the design, structures, and institutions of the Constitution in the context of state-building, peace-building, and nation-building in post-conflict South Sudan. The central question in this study is: Why decentralised system of governance has failed to address the challenges of nation-building in South Sudan? The study is informed by righ literature in comparative federalism particularly in divided societies that argues for inclusive political institutions and public policy to build sense of belonging in society as a means to manage divisions and ensure relative peace. This is the main tenet of federalism in the post Cold-War era although its validy remains contested. To search for an answer to this question, we employed secondary and primary data sources. The secondary and primary sources include the transitional constitution and its institutions, as well as a few selected state constitutions. The study employed in constructivism research approach and used interepretivism methodology in analysis of data. The author has reviewed and analysed different peace agreements signed between different political parties in the political history of Sudan and later in South Sudan after independence. These peace accords include Addis Ababa Peace Agreement of 1972; the Comprehensive Peace Agreement of 2005; the Agreement for the Resolution of Conflict in South Sudan in 2015; and the Revitalized Peace Agreement of 2001. The author has also reviewed and analyzed other national documents relevant to the study such as the Local Government Act of 2009 and South Sudanese parties Act 2012. For the collection of primary data, I conducted unstructured in-depth interviews and focus group discussions with the selected key research informants. Major findings of the study reveal that although the decentralised system of governance was adopted in 2005 and promises to transfer power to the states and local government, it has failed to bring about inclusive political system and autonomy (self-rule and shared rule) to states in South Sudan. Despite promises for devolution and several power sharing schemes, South Sudan remains in the hands of a Dinka dominated political elite and a President who prefers to rule by decree. The making and ummaking of state boundaries, appointment and dismisal of state governors and legislatibe bodies are clear indicators. The series of power sharing schemes meant to bring different political actors at national and sub state level have never been taken seriously. All added, the regime resorts to personal rule and lacks political will to implement devolution and inclusive political system in South Sudan. The fragmentation within the ruling elite is also affecting state and nation building efforts. The regime has has failed to create inclusive state institutions that could deliver critical services to the people of South Sudan. The political leadership of the ruling SPLM party has failed in building capable and effective state institutions. It has also failed to bring lasting peace to the new nation. It also failed to manage ethnic diversity in the new nation. The findings have also attributed the problem to constitutional and institutional design, structure, implementation, and the institutions created by the system. A decentralised system of governance in its design from the very onset was a top-down approach where the political process was controlled by the SPLM without the involvement of other stakeholders. Decentralised system of governance has also failed to resolve deep-rooted and protracted conflicts. That is to say, after more than a half-century of the struggle for justice, equality, and prosperity from successive Khartoum-based regimes, South Sudan’s political elite, mostly from one ethnic community that governs the country, failed to build democratic and inclusive state institutions that could create a common identity and a shared national interest amongst different ethnic communities. The indication is that barely two years after independence was celebrated in 2011, simmering hostilities and a leadership struggle for political power erupted between the political elite of the governing SPLM-political party, who also hailed from two major ethnic groups. The elites from the two communities (Nuer and the Dinka) once again turned the country into a battlefield. With the conflict persisting, the powerful political elite at the center thus captures the state, its institutions, and resources. As a result, it is recommended that South Sudan's plurality as a multiethnic society places a serious demand on its current leaders to find amicable paths to effective and successful nation-building. The establishment of representative, inclusive, and democratic state institutions at all levels of government is a hallmark for establishing a political community with shared values. Multinational federalism, with significant devolution of powers and resources to subnational levels of government allows citizens to develop a common identity and shared values while living peacefully together as they share a common destiny. Despite the constitutional promise for devolution of power and resources to states, the national government has centralized power and resources manifsted amongt others by presidential decress that by pass state institutions, central appointment of state governors, the making and unmaking of states boundaries defeating the purpose of devolution. Thus, the thesis concludes that South Sudan is a deconcentrated unitary state that has made power and resources concentrated in the hand of a few elites in the centre. Citizens need to be are connected to the government through relationships of authority, support, participation, and inclusion, an inclusive poltical community can emerge and nation-building could be a successful endeavour. Inclusivity and participation of citizens in the governance process, including decision-making, could only be achieved through the adoption of an effective mutlinationl federal system in which political leaders are willing to devolve power and resources to subtional levels of government.Item Customary Dispute Resolution and Peace Building in the Ethiopian Federation: The Case of Gamo(Addis Ababa University, 2024-05) Zekarias Milkias; Ketema Wakjira(PhD)This research examines the customary dispute resolution and peacebuilding practices of the Gamo people within the Ethiopian Federation. A qualitative research approach was employed, utilizing case studies, interviews, focus group discussions, observation, and document analysis to delve into the cultural norms and traditions that influence dispute-resolution processes. The findings reveal that the Gamo people employ distinct customary mechanisms structured similarly to the Ethiopian Federal System, prioritizing reconciliation over punishment and fostering peace. The Dubusha institution has been serving as a platform for reconciliation, mediation, and justice at different hierarchical levels. Seating arrangements, rituals, and symbols within Dubusha reflect the community's values of inclusivity, respect, and collective decision-making. Furthermore, the research highlights the role of Gamo fathers in conflict prevention and resolution, their recognition as "Peace Ambassadors of the Year," and their unique practices for addressing murder cases. The study also examines the flexibility of Gamo customary law, historical similarities with modern federalism, strengths in peacebuilding, and the compatibility of Gamo practices with human rights principles. Challenges such as a lack of formal documentation, limited professional training, and the need to preserve cultural traditions within the context of human rights are also identified. The research emphasizes the importance of understanding power dynamics, and social relationships and engaging younger generations in preserving Gamo customs and fostering sustainable peace through education, dialogue, and collaboration.Item The Dynamics of Amhara Nationalism in Ethiopia and its Political and Institutional Implications(Addis Ababa University, 2023-02) Yilkal Ayalew; Dereje Feyissa(Associate Professor)No other identity has been as debated as Amhara ethnicity in post-1991 Ethiopia. This dissertation examined “Amhara” both as a supra-ethnic category and an ethnic identity, which is relevant in contemporary political and scholarly discourse of ethnicity and nationalism in Ethiopia. Ethnicity, conflict, and institutional design in Ethiopia have been discussed mostly in connection with minority groups. This kind of general classification may be rejected by “dominant” groups who do not perceive themselves as based on ethnicity. As a result, little is known about Amhara identity in relation to Ethiopian nation-building practices. This concern is more crucial in the current context as the Amhara, who used to closely associate themselves with Ethiopian statehood since imperial times, are now developing an ethnic sentiment claiming a perceived and real marginalization within the post-1991 political system. The study’s key questions were: (1) how has the post-1991 political discourse and its institutions contributed to the development of Amhara ethnicity? And (2) how will the rise of Amhara nationalism affect the functioning of the political system work in progress? Data was acquired through interviews, focus groups, document review and netnography, as well as observations using a qualitative research methodology. Data were gathered from a wide range of sources, including broadcast and social media platforms, political party leaders, activists, and academic elites, leaders (members) of formal and informal associations and organizations, and viewpoints voiced by these groups. The results indicate that the in-group and out-group conceptions pertaining to Amhara identity are different. Amhara identity is defined from the outside and contested from inside. This study also revealed the different discourse behind the debate on the (non) existence of Amhara as an ethnic group. Proponents of the idea that Amhara does not exist as an ethnicity espouse an Ethiopian nationalism promoted as a supra-ethnic identity that all ethnic groups need to integrate into.It also showed how Amhara ethnicity has been built under various political contexts in which it goes from rejection to embracement. The study also identified the discursive narratives, ideological underpinnings of othering, and institutional flaws as the cause for the rise of Amhara nationalism. This is the result of the fact that a nation-state system and its centralized structures are replaced by a non-representative, fragile devolved system. The Amhara, who remained left out during the institutionalization of the current political system, now demand to be integrated into it. This would be an entry point to the evolution of constitutional and institutional designs that redress the limits of existing multi-national federalism in general and ethnic-territorial autonomy in particular, which further replicates the strain on the management of conflicts caused by the existing system.Item Empirical Assessment of Regional State Constitutions of Federal Ethiopia: A Case Study of Amhara National Regional State(Addis Ababa University, 2018-10) Bamlaku Alebe; Sisay Mengistie (PhD)The thesis attempts to examine and investigate the Practical aspects of Ethiopian regional states Constitution in general and Amhara National Regional state (ANRS) Constitution in particular, which constitutes one of the sub-national units in the Ethiopian federation. This is done first by attempting to place theoretical and empirical investigation and discern aspects of theory and practice of regional state Constitutions in Ethiopia. The study critically asses the empirical evidences about the ANRS Constitutions and identify the possible strategies that has been used to enhance the visibility of the regional state Constitution. The study applies qualitative research method. In doing so, both primary and secondary data employ as a research process to study the various issues involved in the paper. To get the primary data, interview, Focus Group Discussion and key informants purposely selected from ANRS residents were used as means to get data for the study. The secondary data were collected from different published and unpublished documents such as relevant theoretical concepts, text books, journal Articles, scholarly works and bar reviews, as well as websites. Finally, this paper investigated the following major findings. In the drafting and adoption process of ANRS Constitution, there was no pre-Constitutional and post-Constitutional negotiation and discussion with the people of the region about how to draft and adopt. Which means there is no consensus creation among the various societies and political/ interest groups. In the development of Constitutionalism in the region, the government of Amhara region was not done special and tangible support for those researchers, scholars, lawyers and academicians and at the same time there is no any research that is conducted about the regional Constitution. Under the role of Justice Professional Training and legal Research institute of the Region in the creation of Awareness about Constitution of the region, the training center primary objective was to support the justice system of the region and to fill the gap that existed in the provision of justice system all over the region. But, there is no any awareness creation and research means which is conducted about the ANRS Constitution. With regard to the inclusion of the regional state Constitution in primary civics and ethical education text book, detail contents and information of ANRS Constitution is not made part and parcel of civics and ethical education at primary education of the region at elementary schools (5th -8 th). Finally, in ANRS, there is an institution which was established in 2007 E.C. which is responsible to interpret the regional state Constitution. This institution is an organ found in the region empowered to interpret the regional state Constitution and to review the Constitutionality of laws and decisions of regional state government institutions.Item The State of Vertical Division of Political Power in the Ethiopian Federatio(Addis Ababa University, 2017-04) Fiseha Haftetsion; Assefa Fiseha(PhD)Vertical division of is the essence of federalism.In this qualitative dissertation. The author Investigates the state of vertical division of political power in the Etiopian Federation. This Work Was guided by the assumptions and principles of the Critical paradigm. Sources of primary Data were mainly interviews and documents.Item “The Right to Self Rule and Large Scale of Agricultural Investment in Gambella National Regional State”(Addis Ababa University, 2017-06) Wichduel Keat; Abay YimerThis study attempts to examine/asses the right to self-rule and large scale of agriculture investment in Gambella National Regional State western Ethiopia, based on the assessment on the self-rule, socio-economic and environmental effects of large scale agriculture land investment/transfer on local people’s livelihoods. The analysis of this research followed descriptive qualitative research approach. The primary data was collected through key informant interviews, focus group discussions and direct observation by the author. To complement the primary data, secondary data which the researcher found from government legal documents and various published and unpublished sources were used. After analyzing the data collected, the study found that the transfer of large scale agriculture investment on land to domestic and foreign investors have brought no significant social benefits to the local communities, political economic as measured by the level and type of technological transfer, creation of employment opportunities and level of food crop production. However, some Large Scale Agricultural Investment to investors has helped improve infrastructure. The study also found that the investment has negative effects on the self-rule, local small scale farming or economies in terms of loss of crop land, grazing land, grass land, firewood and water resources; these have negatively affected local agrarian economies and animal rearing livelihoods. Moreover, the investments have negative environmental effects on the biodiversity resource as observed by the scale of clearing of the indigenous vegetation cover, damage on wildlife, depletion of water resources, exposed the land to soil erosion and soil degradation. Besides these issues, this study identified the coping strategies pursued by local communities in response to the effects of the transfer of the large scale agriculture of their land and natural resources ownership to the investors. These strategies include changing land use, sharecropping, tenant farming, changing occupation and mobility or migration patterns. Lastly, the research suggests/recommend some ideas for policy makers which emerged from the field study. They include suggestions for the government, investors, stakeholders and civic societies.